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-narrative of British politics shifted to crisis and austerity. In 2010, New Labour was replaced by a Coalition Government of Conservative and Liberal Democrats, in which the former were dominant. This election outcome removed a key institutional relationship that development campaigners had come to rely on: a ruling party that shared many of the development norms of the campaign organisations themselves. Nevertheless, in 2013 a major national development campaign coalition was once again devised: the Enough Food If campaign (EFIF). This chapter

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Editor’s Introduction

worst of its rippling social consequences rebelled against systemic injustices. Left-leaning protest movements of indignados took to the streets. They rejected economic austerity and promoted progressive social reform. But they soon became marginal to the spreading politics of anger. In the main, the global backlash is now directed against progressive neoliberalism – the dominant ideological variant of late liberalism – with its ‘flexibilisation’ of everything in the economic sphere and its disintegration of tradition in the social sphere

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

. Global Precarity A characteristic of late-modernity, at least in relation to the global North, 3 is what Nikolas Rose has called the ‘death of the social’ ( Rose, 1996 ). This demise is usually equated with the roll-back of the welfare state. Originally meant as a collective insurance-based shield against market forces, since the 1980s the welfare state has been residualised through means-testing, privatisation, cuts and the politics of austerity. Companies and businesses, however, have also shed their former social-democratic responsibilities

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Between ambition and pragmatism

Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century provides the first analysis of the state of UK Africa policy in the era of austerity, Conservative government and Brexit. It explores how Britain’s relationship with Africa has evolved since the days of Blair, Brown and Make Poverty History and examines how a changing UK political environment, and international context, has impacted upon this long-standing – and deeply complex – relationship. This edited collection provides an indispensable reference point for researchers and practitioners interested in contemporary UK–Africa relations and the broader place of Africa in British politics and foreign policy. Across twelve chapters, the book’s contributors examine how far UK Africa policy has been transformed since the fall of the 1997–2010 Labour Government and how far Conservative, or Conservative-led, Governments have reshaped and re-cast links with the continent. The book includes analyses of UK approaches to diplomacy, security, peacekeeping, trade and international development in, or with, Africa. The contributions, offered by UK- and Africa-based scholars and practitioners, nonetheless take a broader perspective on UK–Africa relations, examining the changing perspectives, policies and actions of political parties, advocacy groups and the UK population itself. The authors argue that the Afro-optimism of the Blair years no longer provides the guiding framework for UK engagement with Africa. It has not, however, been replaced by an alternative paradigm, leaving significant space for different forms of relationship to be built, or reconstructed. The book includes a foreword by Chi Onwurah MP, Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Africa.

, this volume). Moreover, struggles at the scale of the city or the neighbourhood take place in a national context. At the time of writing there is widespread resentment across the UK following decades of neoliberal urbanism and the intensified austerity of the period following the 2008 banking crisis (Cook et al., 2011 ; Crewe, 2016 ). Moreover, since the 2016 referendum EU nationals in the UK have experienced continuing uncertainty over their future rights. This period overlaps with ongoing, plural, shifting forms of racism, including a post-9/11 growth in anti

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
Abstract only
Migrants’ squats as antithetical spaces in Athens’s City Plaza

relevant urban scenarios, characterised by the presence of self-organised spaces aimed at compensating for the crumbling of welfare generated by the crisis. The refugee crisis hit an economically distressed country that was itself adapting to a crisis of austerity and economic shock, and thus was ‘equipped’ with autonomous structures and a highly combative social ground. This antagonistic and well-structured environment turned out to be essential as the migrants’ situation worsened in the summer of 2015. During the ‘summer of migration

in Sanctuary cities and urban struggles
Abstract only

, another Latin American democracy, Argentina’s, survived four years of recession produced by fierce austerity policies to try to sustain the Argentinean peso’s direct convertibility to the dollar, and a catastrophic financial crisis when that currency board collapsed which slashed production and deprived citizens of access to their savings. In some ways, the same phenomenon of reduced alternatives was at work in Latin American as in Europe. During the course of the twentieth century, at least one Latin American or M1218 - THOMPSON TXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7.3 10/3/08 13

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Autonomy, ethnicity and gender in North-East India and Bosnia-Herzegovina

example of the latter was the EU’s recent attempt to bring together the leaders of the biggest political parties, each of which is perceived to represent a certain ethnicity, for a constitutional reform, the failure of which resulted in a suspension of half of the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance funds that the country had expected.45 Additionally, in 2013 the Bosnian politicians had to work together to agree on an IMFinspired Global Fiscal Framework for 2014–16.46 With this, the neoliberal austerity measures that are at the time of writing in their fifth year

in Cultures of governance and peace

. At the receiving end, society disintegrated and poverty exploded. ‘For the great majority of Russian families’, Stephen Cohen famously wrote later in the decade, ‘their country has not been in “transition” but in an endless collapse of everything essential to a decent existence’.35 The social drama of predatory enrichment and austerity, played out in slow-​motion in the West, here was staged all in one go.36 Unsurprisingly, there was resistance. The Russian parliament voted to repeal the special powers granted to Yeltsin in March 1993. The president promptly

in Flight MH17, Ukraine and the new Cold War
Financial liberalisation and the end of the Cold War

West German, with whom it had agreed as collateral some of the central bank’s gold reserves. With an effective national guarantee in the scala mobile that price rises would be compensated for by wage increases, Italian inflation was running more than 10 per cent higher than West German. The more the DC government made itself dependent on creditors, the more problematic this became since both Bonn and the IMF expected the government to implement an austerity programme as a condition of financial assistance.12 Not for the first time, the problems of the Italian state

in Might, right, prosperity and consent