As the tragedy of the Grenfell Tower fire of 14 June 2017 has slowly revealed a shadowy background of outsourcing and deregulation, and a council turning a blind eye to health and safety concerns, many questions need answers. Stuart Hodkinson has those answers. Safe as Houses weaves together Stuart’s research over the last decade with residents’ groups in council regeneration projects across London to provide the first comprehensive account of how Grenfell happened and how it could easily have happened in multiple locations across the country. It draws on examples of unsafe housing either refurbished or built by private companies under the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) to show both the terrible human consequences of outsourcing and deregulation and how the PFI has enabled developers, banks and investors to profiteer from highly lucrative, taxpayer-funded contracts. The book also provides shocking testimonies of how councils and other public bodies have continuously sided with their private partners, doing everything in their power to ignore, deflect and even silence those who speak out. The book concludes that the only way to end the era of unsafe regeneration and housing provision is to end the disastrous regime of self-regulation. This means strengthening safety laws, creating new enforcement agencies independent of government and industry, and replacing PFI and similar models of outsourcing with a new model of public housing that treats the provision of shelter as ‘a social service’ democratically accountable to its residents.
-fiction, however, represents a different set of priorities
In the 1960s and 1970s, as fictional techniques in non-fiction became more
popular in the United States (with the rise of New Journalism and the non-fiction
novel), the use of dialogue, characterisation, description and such in non-fiction
became more standard. As the memoir form itself became more popular in the
United States in the 1980s, the emphasis on telling the stories of others shifted to
include telling one’s own personal stories.Australian non-fictionist Mark Tredinnick
provision of allotments
and behind the USA in terms of the development of community gardens, it has
led the way with the GIY model, which has now been adopted overseas with
the establishment of GIY Australia’s first growing group in 2010. A close look
at the grassroots food growing movement in Irish society reveals that it can be
classified broadly into four types of dynamics in terms of how grassroots food
projects emerge, change and are driven, and these are considered next.
Organised food growing
Pudup’s (2008) term ‘organised garden project’ is useful in beginning to
Ruralis 44 (4): 395–415. http://doi.org/10.1111/
Urban gardening and the struggle for justice
Lawson, L. J. (2005): City Bountiful: A Century of Community Gardening in America.
London: University of California Press Ltd.
Lyons, K., Richards, C., Desfours, L. and Amati, M. (2013): Food in the city: urban food
movements and (re)-imagining of urban spaces. Australian Planner 50 (2): 157–163.
Marois, T. and Pradella, L. (2014): Polarising development: introducing alternatives
Young people in migrant worker families in Ireland
job. As conjecture over the state
of the Irish economy and what the future held for Ireland grew, families such
as Philip’s were keenly aware that they needed to have a plan for the future, one
that would provide for their financial needs.
Similarities can be drawn between the CEE young migrants who moved to
Ireland in the first decade of the 2000s, some of whom are likely to out-migrate
predominantly because of the economic situation and associated unemployment, and those Irish young people currently emigrating to Australia, the USA,
the UK and other
talk about Ireland in the language of ruin. Filmed on the streets of
Melbourne, Australia, a young Irish emigrant railed against the impact of the
crash on his hometown in Tipperary: ‘there is nothing there: nothing, nothing,
nothing’ (Arrivals, 2011).
The impact and attempts at resolution of many of these issues were revealed
during the 2011 Irish presidential election. In the debates and manifestos presented by the candidates, questions of identity loomed large. These involved
pleas to community, locality, core values, roots and national pride. That Michael
Securing or denying minorities’ right to the city?
garden grow? Examining gender roles and relations in community gardens. Leisure
Studies 24 (2): 177–192.
Peck, J. and Tickell, A. (2002): Neoliberalizing space. In: Brenner, N. and Theodore, N.
(Eds): Spaces of Neoliberalism: Urban Restructuring in North America and Western Europe.
Malden, MA, Oxford, UK and Carlton, Australia: Blackwell Publishers Ltd, 33–57.
Pudup, M. (2008): It takes a garden: cultivating citizen-
subjects in organized garden
projects. Geoforum 39: 1228–1240.
Purcell, M. (2002): Excavating Lefebvre: the right to the city and its urban
). At the same time, urban gardens around
the world are being used by municipalities as a social tool to empower underprivileged populations, such as the poor and elderly in Melbourne, Australia, and
Jerusalem, Israel (Agustina and Beilin, 2012; Eizenberg and Fenster, 2015), and for
immigrants and minorities in many cities in North America and Europe (Shan
and Walter, 2015; Twiss et al., 2011).
Roys’ research (chapter 6) navigates between these two ways of understanding
the phenomenon by revealing those that still are denied different rights by the
which the computers enabled or by the nonusage of other destructive technologies; there was the further consideration that computers did not cause significantly more environmental
damage than did other technologies. Some activists argued that CMC use
decreased the environmentally damaging effects of other activities, and
thus had energy- and resource-saving potential. Energy is saved, for
example, because ‘it’s much more energy efficient for me to email Australia
than to send a parcel or go there. There’s also video conferencing’
(Charlotte Cosserat, CAT). Furthermore
. Within this debate, the neo-liberal assumption has been that wages are
most flexible and competitive where their determination is decentralised.
Different national models of wage determination are commonly contrasted in
policy documentation, and a competitive ‘benchmark’ established: ‘In most
countries where relative wages have been flexible (the US, Canada, UK,
Australia), both the relative employment and unemployment rates of the
unskilled changed little during the 1980s. In comparatively inflexible Europe,
on the other hand, both relative employment and unemployment