THERE ARE A number of avenues through which the ‘place’ of Indigenous people in Australia can be approached. One fundamental arena of struggle has been over land rights. The approach to rights taken here, however, starts from an account of suffering and sets out to trace the political roots of that suffering. One of the clearest forms of suffering to mark Aboriginal lives in Australia is entrenched and widespread ill-health. Thus, across the Indigenous community, the story is one of premature death, often from diseases associated with
10 The European Union in Australia and
The relationship between the EU, on the one hand, and Australia and New
Zealand, on the other, reveals a paradox. The links between both of these
South Pacific nations and the nations of Europe are deep, multifaceted and
longstanding. Australia and New Zealand are former British colonies. Their
political and legal institutions are modelled to a large extent on Westminster, their political values and culture flow largely from British sources.
Following European settlement and the
Linda Leung (2018) Technologies of Refuge and Displacement: Rethinking
Digital Divides (Lanham, MA: Lexington Books), hardcover, 141 pages;
ISBN: 978-1-14985-0002-9 In her book Technologies of Refuge and Displacement: Rethinking Digital
Divides , Linda Leung – a researcher at University of Technology
Sydney, Australia – provides a systematic empirical analysis of data collected
between 2007 and 2011, which involved more than 100 interviews with individuals from
Four Decisive Challenges Confronting Humanitarian Innovation
Gerard Finnigan and Otto Farkas
28 , 998 , doi: 10.1353/hrq.2006.0039 .
ACFID ( 2016 ), Innovation for Impact: How Australian NGOs Nurture
and Scale Up New Ideas ( Deakin :
Australian Council for International
Age and Disability Capacity Programme
(ADCAP) ( 2018 ),
Standards for Older People and People with Disabilities: Age and
Disability Consortium ( London
Sandvik , K.
B. ( 2018 ), ‘ Technology, Dead
Male Bodies, and Feminist Recognition: Gendering ICT Harm
Theory’ , Australian Feminist Law
Journal , 44 : 1 ,
49 – 69 .
Sandvik , K.
B. ( 2019 ), ‘ Technologizing the
Fight against Sexual Violence: A Critical Scoping’, PRIO
Paper (Oslo: PRIO) , www
This book argues for greater openness in the ways we approach human rights and international rights promotion, and in so doing brings some new understanding to old debates. Starting with the realities of abuse rather than the liberal architecture of rights, it casts human rights as a language for probing the political dimensions of suffering. Seen in this context, the predominant Western models of right generate a substantial but also problematic and not always emancipatory array of practices. These models are far from answering the questions about the nature of political community that are raised by the systemic infliction of suffering. Rather than a simple message from ‘us’ to ‘them’, then, rights promotion is a long and difficult conversation about the relationship between political organisations and suffering. Three case studies are explored: the Tiananmen Square massacre, East Timor's violent modern history and the circumstances of indigenous Australians. The purpose of these discussions is not to elaborate on a new theory of rights, but to work towards rights practices that are more responsive to the spectrum of injury that we inflict and endure.
of Small Businesses (UK) and the NFF/NSW Farmers’ Association (Australia) are both representation by definition groups. These cases were chosen in order to best illustrate the general argument. They are relatively well-known representation by promise groups, and both have been subject to previous academic study (including by the author) and maintain informative websites that would enable a general reader to investigate claims made here quite easily. While they formally or constitutionally retain a form that more or less reflects their representative promise, and
Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political representation and to democracy has always been contested. However, there seems to be a contemporary resurgence in this debate, largely centred on their democratising potential: can groups effectively link citizens to political institutions and policy processes? Are groups an antidote to emerging democratic deficits? Or do they themselves face challenges in demonstrating their legitimacy and representativeness? This book debates the democratic potential and practice of groups, focusing on the vibrancy of internal democracies, and modes of accountability with those who join such groups and to the constituencies they advocate for. It draws on literatures covering national, European and global levels, and presents empirical material from the UK and Australia.
Since the mid-1990s, the European Union has defined the Asia-Pacific as one of its key strategic targets on its ambitious road towards global power. The EU has ever since made consistent efforts to implement strategies, policies and activities in the Asia-Pacific. Over the past decades, big changes have taken place on both sides and the wider world. It is high time to evaluate the EU’s performance in its Asian policy. In fact, the EU is at crossroads with its Asia Pacific policy. On several aspects, the EU is compelled to redefine its interests and roles, and rethink its strategies and policies towards the dynamic and ever-important Asia-Pacific region of the contemporary world. This volume addresses this theme, by elaborating the general context, major issues and countries in the EU’s Asia-Pacific policy. It covers issues and areas of traditional security, economy and trade, public diplomacy, and human security and focuses on the EU’s relations with China, Japan, the ASEAN countries and Australasia.
taken as already settled, and sometimes quite reasonably so. Frequently, however, as the later discussion of the health of Indigenous Australians indicates, such analyses assume or demand a crucial zone of uniformity, whether within the state or more broadly – a realm of public discourse that is declared to be neutral and open to all citizens and others, but one that is repeatedly exclusionary. Moreover, it is easy to overlook or forget these practices of exclusion, simply because within states they have proved relatively effective, so that, for example