O N 1 AUGUST 2005 , less
than a month after the 7 July bombings of the London underground,
the Australian Attorney-General and former Immigration Minister
Philip Ruddock held an interview outside the Hyatt Hotel in
Adelaide, where he stated that ‘a terrorist attack could occur
in Australia at any time’. Having made such an alarming
/disaster relief (HA/DR). By contrast, the key trend that has been emerging over the past few years, particularly since the inauguration of the second Shinz ō Abe government in December 2012, is that Japan and Australia are going beyond the first evolution and developing bilateral cooperation in more traditional security fields. This is what this chapter calls the second evolution of Japan–Australia security ties.
Even though, to the disappointment of experts and officials in many quarters of both countries, Japan was not chosen as the primary partner
D uring the Cold W ar period Japan and Australia were sometimes referred to as the northern and southern ‘anchors’ of the American alliance system in the Asia-Pacific. These two important ‘spokes’ in the so-called American ‘hub-and-spoke’ regional alliance system therefore found themselves in a condition of indirect alignment – or, to use Victor Cha’s term, ‘quasi-alliance’ ( Cha, 1999 ). This implies that while the two countries participated in no direct defence relationship, by dint of their
Howard had retrieved his
electoral fortunes. First he had reversed some of his more unpopular
domestic policies, but the key turning points came in August and
September. On August 26, the Norwegian merchant vessel the Tampa
properly responded to the distress calls of a sinking boatload of asylum
seekers, mainly Afghans and Iraqis who had been heading for the
northwest coast of Australia. According to
‘other’. In a series of important studies, however, Duncan Bell has shown that a key aspect of imperial thought and activity from the 1860s to the 1890s concerned Britain’s white settler colonies in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and South Africa. 6 Bell argues convincingly that the ‘Anglo-Saxon’ empire should not be neglected if we are to fully understand ‘the languages through which the empire – or, more precisely, the various socio-political formations that composed the imperial system – was imagined by its inhabitants and in particular by its ideological
This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of Japan’s new security
partnerships with Australia, India, countries and multilateral security
structure in East Asia, as well as with the EU and some of its member
states. Most books on Japanese bilateral relations focus exclusively on the
Japanese perspective, the debate in Japan, positions of Japanese government
leaders and parties, or the public discourse. This edited volume is organized in
pairs of chapters, one each analysing the motivations and objectives of Japan,
and a second analysing those of each of the most important new security
partners. After solely relying on the United States for its national
security needs during the Cold War, since the end of the Cold War, Japan has
begun to deepen its bilateral security ties. Since the mid-2000s under LDP and
DPJ administrations, bilateral security partnerships accelerated and today go
beyond non-traditional security issue are as and extend far into traditional
security and military affairs, including the exchange and joint acquisition of
military hardware, military exercises, and capacity building. It is argued, that
these developments will have implications for the security architecture in the
Asia-Pacific. This book is a primer for those interested in Japan’s security
policy beyond the US-Japan security alliance, non-American centred bilateral and
multilateral security cooperation through the eyes of Japanese as well as
partner country perspectives. It is also an ideal as a course reading for
graduate courses on regional security cooperation and strategic partnerships,
and Japanese foreign and security policy.
This book addresses some of the neglected problems, people and vulnerabilities of the Asia-Pacific region. It talks about emancipation, human security, 'security politics', language and threat-construction. The book is divided into three sections: agents; strategies and contexts; and futures. The first section outlines a range of possible agents or actors potentially capable of redressing individual suffering and vulnerability in the region. It examines East Asian regional institutions and dynamics of regionalism as potential sources of 'progressive' security discourses and practices. There is focus on the progressive security potential of regional institutions and regionalism has become increasingly prominent in literature on security in the Asia-Pacific. Two common interpretations of the role of epistemic communities in the construction of security are contested: that they are either passive sources of governmental legitimacy, or autonomous agents with the capacity of constructing or creating state interests. The second section reviews strategies and contexts, outlining a range of different sites of insecurity in the region, the ways in which dominant security discourses and practices emerge, and the extent to which such discourses are contested in different contexts. Indonesian government's approach to minority groups and separatism, the issue of civil unrest and human rights abuses in Burma, and the Australian government's attitude towards refugees and asylum-seekers are discussed. The third section deals with security futures, specifically discussing the question of what alternative security discourses and practices might look like. Finally, the book outlines a feminist critical security discourse and examines its applicability to the Asia-Pacific region.
South and South East Asia
North, Central and South America
Australia (1950, set aside 1951)
Greece (1947); Spain (1939/40); Portugal (1926); West Germany (1956)
Algeria (1962); Ivory Coast (1963); Morocco (1952); Tunisia (1963); Union of South Africa (1950); Sudan (1958)
Lebanon (1939); Syria (1939); Turkey (1922); United Arab Emirates (1954); Iran (1949); Iraq (1960); Jordan (1957)
Pakistan (1954); East Bengal (1954); Burma (1946 and 1953); Thailand (1952); Federation of Malaya (1947); Singapore (1948); South Korea (1949
Extremism and the ‘politics of mutual envy’ in Nigeria?
emergence of Boko Haram’, AFRICA in Focus . Available at www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2014/05/06/explaining-the-emergence-of-boko-haram/ (accessed 20 July 2015).
Agbiboa , D.E. , 2013 . ‘Why Boko Haram exists: The relative deprivation perspective’, African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review , 3 ( 1 ), 144–157 .
Agbiboa , D.E. , 2014 . ‘Boko-Haram and the global jihad: Do not think jihad is over. Rather jihad has just begun’. Australian Journal of International Affairs , 68 ( 4 ), 400–417 .
Al-Turabi , H. , 1983 . ‘ The Islamic State ’, in
A critical examination of theoretical issues and local challenges
Alice Martini, Kieran Ford and Richard Jackson
between Islamophobia and racism in the modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal world-system: An introduction’, Human Architecture: Journal of the Sociology of Self-Knowledge , 5 , 1–13 .
Harris-Hogan , S. , Barrelle , K. and Zammit , A. , 2016 . ‘What is countering violent extremism? Exploring CVE policy and practice in Australia’, Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression , 8 , 6–24 .
Heath-Kelly , C. , 2013 . ‘Counter‐terrorism and the counterfactual: Producing the “radicalisation” discourse and the UK PREVENT Strategy’, The British