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Srdjan Vucetic

Always far more special in London than in Washington, the so-called Anglo-American (i.e. UK–US) special relationship has greatly influenced British foreign policy for at least seven decades, and it continues to influence it under the conditions of ‘Brexit’ and the radical presidency of US president Donald Trump. This is most clearly evident in Britain’s strategy and operations in security and military matters, including the British nuclear deterrent, intelligence, and counter-terrorism. How do we explain this phenomenon? In a recent study, I have argued that

in Culture matters
Decisionmaking, intelligence, and the case for war in Iraq
Mark Phythian

This chapter charts the basis and evolution of a decision that is set to define the ten-year premiership of Tony Blair; the decision to go to war in Iraq. It begins by focusing on the institutional context within which the decision was taken, paying particular attention to the ongoing presidentialization of British politics and consequent downgrading of Cabinet as a decisionmaking body

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq
Neo-colonialism encounters regionalism?
Mark Langan

social interests of poorer countries, especially those of Anglophone former British colonies. Brexit and the re-establishment of an independent UK trade policy would therefore offer new scope for assisting Commonwealth allies through enhanced trade and aid ties. In this vein, Brexiteer politicians articulate(d) and envisage(d) what might accurately be termed the moral economy of trade and development ties between Brexit Britain and Commonwealth African countries (see Langan, 2016 ). Namely, they embedded legitimating norms and ethical

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
Alexander Spencer

3 British narratives of the rebel in Libya This chapter will retell a romantic story of rebellion by indicating the persistence of a romantic story about the rebel from the period of romanticism via romantic representations in movies such as Lawrence of Arabia to more current media reporting and parliamentary debates on rebels in the Libyan conflict in 2011. The romanticization of the rebels in Libya is somewhat unsurprising as they represent actors who are considered to be fighting on the same side as the Western ‘us’ against an evil Gaddafi ‘other’. Yet, the

in Romantic narratives in international politics
The Trade Justice Movement
Stephen R. Hurt

chapter’s focus on the role played by TJM within the broader context of British campaigns for African development (see Chapter 8 for a discussion of the Enough Food If campaign, which was the next major development campaign coalition after MPH). The research for this chapter included a series of twenty-two qualitative semistructured research interviews with relevant individuals, which were conducted during the period from July 2015 until September 2016. Interviewees were selected with two key criteria in mind. First, that a range of the most

in Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century
The Aid Industry and the ‘Me Too’ Movement
Charlotte Lydia Riley

(characterised by many participants as #AidToo), with a focus on British organisations. I argue that the aid industry exists in a historical, social and political space that is particularly volatile when it comes to sexual abuse, harassment and assault. The power hierarchies of the industry make it difficult to call out this abuse and easy to cover it up – powerful men are protected by their image as humanitarian saviours and enabled by organisations that rely on public goodwill for

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Between ambition and pragmatism

Britain and Africa in the twenty-first century provides the first analysis of the state of UK Africa policy in the era of austerity, Conservative government and Brexit. It explores how Britain’s relationship with Africa has evolved since the days of Blair, Brown and Make Poverty History and examines how a changing UK political environment, and international context, has impacted upon this long-standing – and deeply complex – relationship. This edited collection provides an indispensable reference point for researchers and practitioners interested in contemporary UK–Africa relations and the broader place of Africa in British politics and foreign policy. Across twelve chapters, the book’s contributors examine how far UK Africa policy has been transformed since the fall of the 1997–2010 Labour Government and how far Conservative, or Conservative-led, Governments have reshaped and re-cast links with the continent. The book includes analyses of UK approaches to diplomacy, security, peacekeeping, trade and international development in, or with, Africa. The contributions, offered by UK- and Africa-based scholars and practitioners, nonetheless take a broader perspective on UK–Africa relations, examining the changing perspectives, policies and actions of political parties, advocacy groups and the UK population itself. The authors argue that the Afro-optimism of the Blair years no longer provides the guiding framework for UK engagement with Africa. It has not, however, been replaced by an alternative paradigm, leaving significant space for different forms of relationship to be built, or reconstructed. The book includes a foreword by Chi Onwurah MP, Chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group for Africa.

Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps
Lasse Heerten
Arua Oko Omaka
Kevin O'Sullivan
, and
Bertrand Taithe

March 1968 [ Farmar, 2002] . Canadian engagement with the crisis was reliant on similar, faith-based connections. The links that Presbyterians, for example, had established in the East in the 1950s – including, importantly, with some of the Biafran leadership – were significant in the birth of Canairelief in late 1968 [ Bangarth, 2016] . The major British NGOs – particularly Oxfam and Save the Children – also worked alongside, and provided funding for projects run by

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Lachlan McIver
Maria Guevara
, and
Gabriel Alcoba

the UK cuts: A tragic blow for “global Britain” and the world’s most vulnerable people ’, 29 April , (accessed 19 October 2021 ). Weiss , D. et al . ( 2021

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Fabrice Weissman

to turn it into a political issue, which runs the risk of raising the stakes. On the other hand, by endowing the hostages with greater commercial and political value, mobilisation campaigns may serve to protect their lives and pressure those with the power to facilitate their release. British journalists have noted that the lack of information and public advocacy on behalf of aid workers David Haines and Allan Henning, who were abducted in Syria by

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs