Exploring long-distance loyalist networks in the 1880s
-imperial discourse of ‘British liberties’ to structure rationales
for why Britishimperialism had been a force for good in the world. They also
found their place in the Orange wings of the Conservative parties active in
both locations. What had conferred ‘civic and religious freedoms’ under ‘the
British flag’ in one place would faithfully do the same in another. Networks
thus did more than simply connect places – they structured localized under-
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- Oct. 1, 2
- Sept. 28
Kingston - Sept. 27
share equally complicated relations with materialist
theory: Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Fredric Jameson. Spivak, a selfdesignated ‘Marxist-feminist-deconstructionist’, is highly regarded as one
of the key practitioners of post-colonial theory; Jameson is one of the
leading left theorists of culture in the USA. These three thinkers have each
produced an impressively large and wide-ranging opus of critical
thought. My concern here, however, is exclusively with their respective
analyses of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britishimperialism.4
I want to
the timeless reasoning
that it would be ‘better for the children’. But we will see in this chapter
ways in which the deeply traditional thinking of postwar migrants also
left room for a more modern outlook, in which an openness to ‘adventure’ paved the way for new patterns of migrant behaviour in later years.
The diversity of migration experience was further widened by the midcentury shadow of Britishimperialism, and ways in which the middle
and upper classes imported old habits of easy mobility to new migration
Mobile journeys to affluence and self
liberal-democratic nation-state in
relation to the ‘War on Terror’ and explore how this narrative is rooted in liberal,
secular and nationalist imaginaries. I explore how these contemporary framings
have emerged in relation to evolving inter and intracommunal relations within
Tragic encounters and ordinary ethics
the British civil sphere and are shaped by less-acknowledged intertwined histories
and geographies of the Holocaust, Britishimperialism, migrations and racisms.
Turning to consider an alternative focus on the involvement of diasporic and left-
Newspapers, magazines and pamphlets have always been central, almost sacred, forms of communication within Irish republican political culture. While social media is becoming the primary ideological battleground in many democracies, Irish republicanism steadfastly expresses itself in the traditional forms of activist journalism. Shinners, Dissos and Dissenters is a long-term analysis of the development of Irish republican activist media since 1998 and the tumultuous years following the end of the Troubles. It is the first in-depth analysis of the newspapers, magazines and online spaces in which the differing strands of Irish republicanism developed and were articulated during a period where schism and dissent defined a return to violence. Based on an analysis of Irish republican media outlets as well as interviews with the key activists that produced them, this book provides a compelling long-term snapshot of a political ideology in transition. It reveals how Irish Republicanism was moulded by the twin forces of the Northern Ireland Peace Process and the violent internal ideological schism that threatened a return to the ‘bad old days’ of the Troubles. This book is vital for those studying Irish politics and those interestedin activism as it provides new insights into the role that modern activist media forms have played in the ideological development of a 200-year-old political tradition.
and South African Resistance in Haggard, Schreiner and Plaatje (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 2000), for an elaboration of the arguments here.
See John MacClure, Late Imperial Romance (London: Verso, 1994), for a discussion of the imperial romance genre.
12 See Bernard Magubane, The Making of a Racist State: BritishImperialism and
the Union of South Africa, 1875–1910 (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1996), for
an historical account of this period.
13 For an example of this discourse analysis mode see David Spurr
range of Britishimperialism generated significantly different modes of
‘othering’. ‘Orientalism’s ongoing hegemony as an academic template for
the entire colonised world suggests that this truism bears reiteration.18 As
I have suggested elsewhere,
Perhaps it was inevitable that ‘The Orient’ should have been privileged, given the sheer longevity of European colonial relations with
it. But this argues for the highly unrepresentative nature of the colonialism that developed there. Nineteenth-century British India, so
central to the theoretical work of Spivak and Bhabha
with the legacy of Britishimperialism8 It tends to overlook other external forms of
symbolic domination, particularly from America and the Catholic Church and
internal forms that emanate from gender, class, religious, ethnic and racial differences. It may well be, for example, that if the Irish are different this may be related
more to the nature of the internal class structure, the dominance of the Catholic
Church and the oppression of women and children than to having been colonised
by England. If we are to understand continuing Irish difference
5 Krishan Kumar, The Making of English National Identity (Cambridge, 2003),
6 Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies 1580‒1800: The Origins of an
Associational World (Oxford, 2000), passim.
7 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 2 vols (New York, 2004),
vol. 2:2, p. 595.
8 Ibid., p. 596.
9 Robert Freke Gould, The History of Freemasonry, 3 vols (London, 1882–87);
Jessica L. Harland-Jacobs, Builders of Empire: Freemasonry and BritishImperialism, 1717‒1927 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2007), and Jessica L. HarlandJacobs, ‘“Hands across the Sea
Palestine–Israel in relation to historically evolving relations within the British civil sphere, the emergent geopolitics of the ‘War on
Terror’ and the historic legacies of the Holocaust and Britishimperialism. Finally,
I consider how public constructions of this as an ‘imported’, ‘ethno-religious’
conflict have failed to address the role played by British university institutions
in shaping these dynamics. I discuss how in a postimperial globalising world the
‘public university’ has become a site of tragic conflict and how this produces different challenges for