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-century imperialist outlook and the modern gangster outlook are two different things. Kipling belongs very definitely to the period 1885–1902. The Great War and its after­ math embittered him, but he shows little sign of having learned anything from any event later than the Boer War. He was the prophet of British imperialism in its expansionist phase (even more than his poems, his solitary novel, The Light That Failed, gives you the atmosphere of that time) and also the unofficial historian of the British army, the old mercenary army which began to change its shape in 1914. All his

in In Time’s eye
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loss of a notion of family, home, community and nation. For Britain imperialism, rather than giving it the national centre that Deronda perceives, has in fact, scattered the population throughout the world in the British colonies. So, on one hand, as Carolyn Lesjak has persuasively argued (Lesjak, 1996 : 40), the fledgling Zionist project to which Deronda pledges himself works in conjunction with

in Orphan texts
Stalky & Co.

’ figure, constituting at once ‘a site for the deployment of imperial power’ and ‘a potential site of resistance’ against British imperialism.5 In many ways, this reading is echoed by John McBratney’s slightly later Imperial Subjects, Imperial Space (2002), which discusses Kipling’s representation of the ‘native-born’ – a European born and raised in a colonial space – as the figure of cultural hybridity. Being ‘racially “white” but culturally mixed’,6 the native-born with his ‘dual cultural affiliations’ makes ‘the most resourceful, knowledgeable, and effective of

in In Time’s eye
The Vorticist critique of Futurism, 1914–1919

composed from whirring mass-produced, machine-tooled elements, and later designs would be directly inspired by his reverence for the bustling Pool of London, situated between London and Tower Bridges. Lewis proceeded to bluntly assert: ‘The Modern World is due almost entirely to Anglo-Saxon genius – its appearance and its spirit. Machinery, steam-ships, all that distinguishes externally our time, came far more from here than anywhere else’. He also implicitly associated the new movement with British Imperialism when he wrote: ‘By mechanical inventiveness … just as

in Back to the Futurists

, ‘Duties of gratitude and fairness may be conceptually well-shaped to restrain the hastiness and self-righteousness of an ultra-individualistic political culture’ (p. 87). Such a culture must be forgetful as it hurries after modernisation, always replacing, always certain of itself, like British imperialism in India: Suppose they sweltered here three thousand years patient for our destruction. There is a greeting beyond the act. Destiny is the great thing, true lord of annexation and arrears. (‘A Short History of British India II’; CP p. 156

in Acceptable words
John Masters and the Savage family saga

Liberals’. Bryden raised the issue of temporality in his description of the collective character of Masters’s heroes, remarking that each is ‘a slight imperial anachronism’.31 When I first read this comment – speaking personally for a moment – I took it to mean that all the Savages seem to come from the earliest phase of British imperialism in India, the later eighteenth century, when conventional doctrines of ‘orientalism’ were dominant. In whatever period a novel is set, Masters’s characterisation of his protagonist seems to hark back to the age of Warren Hastings

in End of empire and the English novel since 1945
Political violence in the fiction of William Trevor

Duke of Wellington Road, named after the Irish-born hero of British imperialism. Hilditch’s home is adorned with the prizes of colonial adventuring – ‘ivory trinkets’, ‘Indian carpets’, ‘twenty mezzotints of South African military scenes’ (FJ 7). His ambition since childhood has been to join the British Army, an ambition inspired by Uncle Wilf, who claims to have been a soldier and whose fabricated view of Ireland Hilditch still recalls: ‘The Black and Tans7 should have sorted that island out, his Uncle Wilf said, only unfortunately they held back for humane reasons

in William Trevor
The Child in Time

the first draft was completed, however, the Falkland’s War was in the offing; the final film embraced this last gasp of British imperialism, and addressed the triumphalism of Mrs Thatcher after the war, and the new tide of nationalism that she sought to cultivate. In his own account, it was after realizing these projects, with their moral and political directness, and two months after the release of The Ploughman’s Lunch in 1983, that McEwan turned, in the summer of that year, to writing The Child in Time, a project he was not to complete until 1986. He began with

in Ian McEwan
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The Voortrekker Monument and Freedom Park

the way these men defined nationalism sat uneasily with the neo-Calvinist insistence on God as the ultimate sovereign ruler. The Voortrekker Monument and Freedom Park 113 army at Blood River and the heroic resistance to British imperialism in the first and second Boer wars’ (ibid., 224) as the core symbols of this history.36 Thompson traces similarities between the events surrounding the 1949 inauguration of the Voortrekker Monument and the earlier 1938 festival: in 1949 15 riders on horseback followed the routes of the oxwagons of 1938 from 15 starting points

in South African performance and archives of memory

) We should note the power of the unspoken; it is Gladstone’s imperial gaze (via the unusual medium of a biscuit tin), rather than his words, that unsettles Vidia and leaves him ‘less than man’. The biscuit tin, as both a possession of Gladstone and in its depiction of the Battle of Waterloo, may be read as a sign of British imperialism. In her book Interpreting Objects and Collections (1994), Susan Pearce also examines an item linked to the Battle of Waterloo; this time, a military jacket worn by Lieutenant Henry Anderson. Pearce notes that Waterloo was seen at

in Caryl Phillips, David Dabydeen and Fred D’Aguiar