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death of Beltrán Leyva and the disfiguration of his corpse could also have influenced how people view the afterlife of his soul. Before continuing with this analysis, I have to clarify that the idea of purgatory as a physical place is not part of the Roman Catholic Church’s doctrine; however, gang members (and others) often believe that it is a place, as the noun grammatically indicates. This adds a spatial dimension to the purification process in purgatory, which becomes crucial to the ‘lives’ of the ‘bone-trapped’ souls who cannot leave earth because of their ‘bad

in Governing the dead

death of Beltrán Leyva and the disfiguration of his corpse could also have influenced how people view the afterlife of his soul. Before continuing with this analysis, I have to clarify that the idea of purgatory as a physical place is not part of the Roman Catholic Church’s doctrine; however, gang members (and others) often believe that it is a place, as the noun grammatically indicates. This adds a spatial dimension to the purification process in purgatory, which becomes crucial to the ‘lives’ of the ‘bone-trapped’ souls who cannot leave earth because of their ‘bad

in Governing the dead
The disposal of bodies in the 1994 Rwandan genocide

cent Twa) and issued with an ID card upon which the label was inscribed. Following patrilineal custom, children would inherit the identity inscribed on their father’s ID card.12 Until 1997, the French term ethnie and the Kinyarwanda term ubwoko appeared on the ID card. For the colonial authorities, both terms were ‘synonyms for race in the biologically determinist sense’.13 As possible independence drew near, both a newly emergent Hutu elite (trained by the Roman Catholic Church) and the Tutsi court deployed the Hamitic hypothesis to argue, respectively, that the end

in Human remains and mass violence

and, creole (gaucho) forms of resistance were 86   José López Mazz criminalized as illegitimate behaviour that was above all a product of the primitiveness of indigenous and African life. For centuries there was a profound social crisis involving economic and political tensions that were strongly linked to the ‘colonial order’. The colonial order was also characterized by daily political and social violence against Indians and African slaves. It was controlled by colonial institutions and the Catholic Church. Authoritarian and deterrent practices provoked a strong

in Human remains and identification
Ideology, physical destruction, and memory

extremities that were supposedly characteristic of a Tutsi body. Noses and little fingers were thus cut off, from the dead as well as the living. This ideology drove some killers to attack objects and even animals. The most striking examples of this involved religious objects, and in particular statues which, in the minds of the killers, bore ‘the marks of a Tutsi body’. Militias thus broke the nose off DHR.indb 232 5/15/2014 12:51:28 PM The Tutsi body in the 1994 genocide  233 a statue of the Virgin Mary in Kibeho, an important site for the Catholic Church in Rwanda

in Destruction and human remains
Open Access (free)
A war of extermination, grave looting, and culture wars in the American West

public history and public education, where a generally benevolent and simplistic narrative prevails. A battle of ideas is taking place as the Catholic Church seeks to canonize Junipero Serra (architect of the mission system) in celebration of his 300th birthday. T. Platt, ‘The result would have been the same’, http://GoodToGo.typepad.com, January 2012. R. H.  Kévorkian, ‘Earth, fire, water: how to make the Armenian corpses disappear’, in Anstett & Dreyfus (eds), Destruction and Human Remains, pp. 89–116. T. Platt, ‘I am here for our history’, http

in Human remains and identification
Open Access (free)
The politics of exhumation in post-genocide Rwanda

particular problem. In some cases the killers had left bodies scattered over a wide area, while in others they had used Caterpillar earth-movers to dig huge mass graves.4 In the latter case, exhumation would only be possible with a similarly vast logistical effort. Politics of exhumation in post-genocide Rwanda   205 Immediately after the genocide, the resources necessary for this operation were first provided through the assistance of churches, and the Catholic Church in particular. Despite the heavy losses it had sustained during the genocide, it remained, along with

in Human remains and identification
Contested narratives of the independence struggle in postconfl ict Timor-Leste

-Leste, as enshrined in the Constitution, reifies the role of the independence struggle as being constitutive of the nation. Although the narrative makes note of the contributions of the civilian clandestine front, the so-called ‘diplomatic front’ and the Catholic Church, in practice it has been the fighting men – and to a far lesser degree, women – who have been most valorised.16 The sacrifices of the martyrs, which the official narratives exhort the people to remember, legitimise the state, its independence and its institutions. The narrative of joint national sacrifice

in Governing the dead
Abstract only
Theoretical approaches

afterworld – and hence the political nature of the passage from life to death – which otherwise has been an important element for the construction of hegemony and social order. In Latin America, for example, ideas of an afterworld and in particular of purgatory were crucial for Spanish colonisation, when the brute, law-making force of the conquest was replaced by law-enforcing political governance, including the insertion of the Catholic Church between life and death to help people to ‘die well’.9 This ensured a certain power over life in the form of confessions and other

in Governing the dead
Contested narratives of the independence struggle in postconfl ict Timor-Leste

-Leste, as enshrined in the Constitution, reifies the role of the independence struggle as being constitutive of the nation. Although the narrative makes note of the contributions of the civilian clandestine front, the so-called ‘diplomatic front’ and the Catholic Church, in practice it has been the fighting men – and to a far lesser degree, women – who have been most valorised.16 The sacrifices of the martyrs, which the official narratives exhort the people to remember, legitimise the state, its independence and its institutions. The narrative of joint national sacrifice

in Governing the dead