Migrant integration and the
‘network-making power’ of the
In this chapter I discuss the Irish CatholicChurch as both a bureaucratic hierarchal institution and transnational network that promotes migrant
integration and welfare via ‘network-making power’ (Castells, 2009, 2011).
The CatholicChurch has always channelled flows of religious values, information and people. However, my focus here is on the network-making power
of the Irish CatholicChurch in shaping the
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Sexual abuse and the CatholicChurch
The revelations of the Cloyne report have brought the Government, Irish Catholics
and the Vatican to an unprecedented juncture. It’s fair to say that after the Ryan and
Murphy Reports Ireland is, perhaps, unshockable when it comes to the abuse of
children. But Cloyne has proved to be of a different order. Because for the first time
in Ireland, a report into child sexual-abuse exposes an attempt by the Holy See, to
frustrate an Inquiry in
The Irish mind has enabled the Irish to balance and accommodate imagination and intellect, emotion and reason, poetry and science. The notion of cultural difference is not just an Irish story, but a story of nations and ethnic groups all over the world. The story of modernity revolves around people coming to see and understand themselves as belonging to nations. Although there were other European nations that made Catholicism a keystone of national difference, there were many factors that made the Irish project different. The idea of creating a society that had a collective vision and commitment without being socialist became an ideal of the Catholic Church during the latter half of the twentieth century. The Church did, nevertheless, have a profound influence on Irish society and culture. The extent to which the Catholic Church shaped and influenced Irish politics has been the subject of much research and debate. The power of the Catholic Church in politics stemmed from the power it developed in the modernisation of Irish society and, in particular, the controlling of sexuality, marriage and fertility. During the first half of the twentieth century, the Irish developed a particular aversion to marriage. For many nations and ethnic groups, what binds people together is that they speak the same language. It may well be that for generations many Irish people identified the Irish language, music and sport as an inhibitor in embracing a less insular and more urbane, cosmopolitan disposition.
Migration to and from Ireland is often the subject of definitive claims. During the 1980s, migration from Ireland was most commonly described as a brain drain. Despite the constant flows and counterflows, academic studies tend to focus on just one direction of movement, reflecting dominant concerns at particular points in time. The 1950s and the 1980s are characterized as decades of emigration, the Celtic Tiger era as a period of immigration, and the current recession is manifest as a return to mass emigration. This book addresses the three key themes from a variety of spatial, temporal and theoretical perspectives. The theme of networks is addressed. Transnational loyalist networks acted both to facilitate the speaking tours of loyalist speakers and to re-translate the political meanings and messages being communicated by the speakers. The Irish Catholic Church and specifically its re-working of its traditional pastoral, lobbying and development role within Irish emigrant communities, is discussed. By highlighting three key areas such as motives, institutions and strategies, and support infrastructures, the book suggests that the Irish experience offers a nuanced understanding of the different forms of networks that exist between a state and its diaspora, and shows the importance of working to support the self-organization of the diaspora. Perceptions of belonging both pre- and postmigration encouraged ethnographic research in six Direct Provision asylum accommodation centres across Ireland. Finally, the book provides insights into the intersections between 'migrancy' and other social categories including gender, nationality and class/position in the labour hierarchy.
Bringing together leading authorities on Irish women and migration, this book offers a significant reassessment of the place of women in the Irish diaspora. It demonstrates the important role played by women in the construction of Irish diasporic identities, comparing Irish women's experience in Britain, Canada , New Zealand and the United States. The book considers how the Catholic Church could be a focal point for women's Irish identity in Britain. It examines how members of the Ladies' Orange Benevolent Association (LOBA) maintained a sense of Irish Protestant identity, focused on their associational life in female Orange lodges. The book offers a lens on Irish society, and on countries where they settled, and considerable scope for comparative analysis of the impact of different cultures and societies on women's lives. It reviews key debates in Transnational Studies (TS) and Diaspora Studies (DS) before discussing the particular contribution of DS in framing 1990s study of migrant and non-migrant Irish women. Feminist and queer theory scholarship in Irish DS has begun to address the gender and sexual politics of diaspora by attending to the dynamics of boundary expansion, queering and dissolution. The book suggests that religion can be both a 'bright' and a 'blurry' boundary, while examining how religious identities intersect with ethnicity and gender. It also includes the significance of the categories of gender and generation, and their intersection with ethnicity in the context of the official London St Patrick's Day Festival.
The fraught relationship between women and the Catholic Church in Ireland
Irreconcilable differences? The fraught
relationship between women and
the CatholicChurch in Ireland
In the introduction to From Prosperity to Austerity, Eamon Maher and Eugene
O’Brien write, in the context of attempts to voice caution during the Irish
boom, that the consensus between government, the media and business interests
held ‘that anyone who opposed the current ideology was against progress, was
rooted in the past, or was incapable of seeing the benefits to all of our exceptional prosperity’ (2014: 5). The
The poetry of accumulation:
Irish-American fables of resistance
Writing on Eiléan Ni Chuilleanáin’s poetry, Andrew J. Auge, in a devastating
piece of reportage, describes the recent change that has taken place in the reputation and role of Irish CatholicChurch: ‘by the turn of the millennium, the
once imposing edifice of Irish Catholicism appeared increasingly derelict’ (Auge
2013: 145). Given all we have learned from reports into how the Church has
dealt with abuses committed by its clergy and cover-ups initiated by its hierarchy,
Ireland’s referendum and the journey from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft
Irish people participated in a constitutional referendum on two
issues: the thirty-fourth amendment to the Constitution was about permitting
same-sex marriage, while the thirty-fifth amendment suggested reducing the age
of candidacy for the post of president of Ireland from thirty-five to twenty-one.
Ireland had long been seen as a de-facto theocracy in which the CatholicChurch
held a hegemonic position. Issues of law, health and education have all been subject to strong levels of control, both implicit and explicit, by the Catholic
increasing levels of indifference to religion generally.
Catholic influence in the areas of education, health, political policy and legal practice has been rolled back. The changes also extend into the realms of the sacred,
and the liturgical: Catholicchurches are frequently packed to or beyond capacity
at Christmas or for Easter Week services, communions and confirmations remain
important rites of passage for most families, and Irish Catholic funeral rituals
retain their importance. But Sunday masses, holy days and confessional obligations no longer regulate ordinary
Reformatory and industrial schools and twentieth-century Ireland
result of the deplorable actions of some brothers, or by the inaction and inappropriate action of the congregation as a whole’ (Collins, 2009 ). This was in contrast to what the Report had noted as the conditional and partial apologies, or in some cases, the absence of any apology, that characterised the response from the majority of the congregations when the Commission was first established. The Report can be seen as the culmination of nearly two decades of ‘scandals’ that subjected, in particular, the various congregations of the CatholicChurch, to widespread