Catholic human rights discourse in Northern Ireland in the 1980s
human rights has historically been recognised as an important issue in IR with
important ramifications for peace.
Despite the historic concern, definitions of human rights remain contested,
with tensions persisting between secular and religious meanings, leading in
some cases to clashes between the two.2 This chapter highlights the important role that the CatholicChurch has played in conceptualising, defining,
and attempting to promote the realisation of human rights around the world,
including Northern Ireland. The CatholicChurch has long been recognised
Northern Ireland and International Relations theory
Timothy J. White
OF IR AND NORTHERN IRELAND
women achieving electoral representation minimised their role in making and
building peace, but their exclusion suggests that male forms of social organisation and power relationships have tended to perpetuate conflict and violence.
Power’s Chapter 7 focuses on the important role that the CatholicChurch
came to play in Northern Ireland in the 1980s. Her research connects the argument made by Huntington and others that the CatholicChurch became a more
important actor in world politics in this decade. Power demonstrates that this
reached its summit in 1994 when she
became Pro-Vice-Chancellor at Queen’s University, and the first woman
to serve in that role. Her academic career did not, however, shut out
involvement in public affairs. In 1984, she was a member of the CatholicChurch Episcopal Delegation to the New Ireland Forum, set up under
the premiership of Dr Garret Fitzgerald (qv). In 1996, in the wake of
the widespread disturbances which had broken out over parading,
the British government set up the Independent Review of Parades and
Marches chaired by Dr (later Sir) Peter North. Here, too
achieving true freedom.
Joyce (and his literary alter egos from Stephen Hero to Stephen
Dedalus) runs the gamut of possible sources of respectability and
recognition, and finds them all wanting. The list includes the
colonial state, the CatholicChurch, Protestant proselytizers, the
Irish middle classes and revolutionary sects.
True freedom ultimately requires a liberated form
and the hierarchy of the CatholicChurch in Timor. Apodeti sought eventual integration with Indonesia, after a transitional period of some years during which the people of the two regions could ‘become acquainted with each other on the basis of freedom’ (Aditjondro, 1994: 2). UDT was a centrist party that began by favouring loose federation with Portugal, but also canvassed gradual transition to independence and finally proposed full autonomy within Indonesia, followed by an act of free choice. It was supported by tribal heads and the small urban bureaucracy
Italian democracy. Before the war, the Italian modern state was ineffective, not least because it provided so little internal security over much of
its territory. Meanwhile efforts to create a durable sense of Italian nationhood had been largely unsuccessful. The Catholicchurch still refused
to accept the state’s authority, so far as the south had been pacified it was
by de facto military occupation, and the Italian state could not sustain
imperialism. Now, in 1919, those who wielded power confronted a desperate peasantry and a particularly precarious economic
, the skeletal remains of the National Library, a
gutted Catholicchurch, four bodies under four white sheets. I stopped to
buy a brick of white honey halva. I stared into the shops that sold copper
džezve, vases, coffee cups, wooden cigarette holders, and plates emblazoned
with the skyline of Sarajevo.2 I stopped at a restaurant. I ate ćevape, with
peppery onions and soft lepinje. Then I went for an espresso.
Even if I didn’t still have my plane ticket from Toronto in my desk
drawer, even if my passport was not still marked by the now-dry ink stamp
at the Karakaj
agents in world politics,31 conceiving of
their role from constructivist assumptions. While not the first to study the role
of religion in the Northern Ireland peace process,32 Maria Power in Chapter
7 examines the role of the CatholicChurch in the Northern Ireland peace
process by analysing not only the theological basis of Catholic attitudes and
beliefs about peace but also the manifestations of these teachings as they were
applied by bishops in Northern Ireland, especially Cahal Daly in the 1980s.
Power demonstrates that faith creates action and explains how an
A constructivist realist critique of idealism and conservative realism
8 Ibid., p. 35.
9 Ibid., p. 38.
10 J. Vaisse, Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement (London: Belknap Press,
2010), pp. 278–9.
11 This is a quite different interpretation of the role of religion than taken by Power in
Chapter 7 who approaches the role of the CatholicChurch in the 1980s from an
12 J. Bew, M. Frampton, and I. Gurruchaga, Talking To Terrorists: Making Peace in
Northern Ireland and the Basque Country (London: Hurst, 2009); M. Frampton, The
Long March: The Political Strategy of Sinn Fein, 1981–2007 (Basingstoke
Yani, Kafr Yassif ’s mayor.
They were also highly represented among the younger generation of nationalist activists and leaders, such as Sabri Jiryis and Habib Qahwaji.
Consequently, the control–surveillance apparatuses had to rely on the
co-option of individual priests, mainly Arabs, as Israelis have been cautious in
their treatment of European clergy. The Egyptian-born bishop George Hakim,
the head of the Greek Catholicchurch (1949–67), had been the most conspicuous
figure in supporting the state’s policies (Linn, 1999:134). His activities included