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Catholic human rights discourse in Northern Ireland in the 1980s
Maria Power

, human rights has historically been recognised as an important issue in IR with ­important ramifications for peace. Despite the historic concern, definitions of human rights remain contested, with tensions persisting between secular and religious meanings, leading in some cases to clashes between the two.2 This chapter highlights the important role that the Catholic Church has played in conceptualising, defining, and attempting to promote the realisation of human rights around the world, including Northern Ireland. The Catholic Church has long been recognised for

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
Abstract only
Northern Ireland and International Relations theory
Timothy J. White

OF IR AND NORTHERN IRELAND women achieving electoral representation minimised their role in making and building peace, but their exclusion suggests that male forms of social organisation and power relationships have tended to perpetuate conflict and violence. Power’s Chapter 7 focuses on the important role that the Catholic Church came to play in Northern Ireland in the 1980s. Her research connects the argument made by Huntington and others that the Catholic Church became a more important actor in world politics in this decade. Power demonstrates that this was

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
Abstract only
Mary McAleese

reached its summit in 1994 when she became Pro-Vice-Chancellor at Queen’s University, and the first woman to serve in that role. Her academic career did not, however, shut out involvement in public affairs. In 1984, she was a member of the Catholic Church Episcopal Delegation to the New Ireland Forum, set up under the premiership of Dr Garret Fitzgerald (qv). In 1996, in the wake of the widespread disturbances which had broken out over parading, the British government set up the Independent Review of Parades and Marches chaired by Dr (later Sir) Peter North. Here, too

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Volker M. Heins

achieving true freedom. Joyce (and his literary alter egos from Stephen Hero to Stephen Dedalus) runs the gamut of possible sources of respectability and recognition, and finds them all wanting. The list includes the colonial state, the Catholic Church, Protestant proselytizers, the Irish middle classes and revolutionary sects. True freedom ultimately requires a liberated form

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

and the hierarchy of the Catholic Church in Timor. Apodeti sought eventual integration with Indonesia, after a transitional period of some years during which the people of the two regions could ‘become acquainted with each other on the basis of freedom’ (Aditjondro, 1994: 2). UDT was a centrist party that began by favouring loose federation with Portugal, but also canvassed gradual transition to independence and finally proposed full autonomy within Indonesia, followed by an act of free choice. It was supported by tribal heads and the small urban bureaucracy

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Helen Thompson

was Italian democracy. Before the war, the Italian modern state was ineffective, not least because it provided so little internal security over much of its territory. Meanwhile efforts to create a durable sense of Italian nationhood had been largely unsuccessful. The Catholic church still refused to accept the state’s authority, so far as the south had been pacified it was by de facto military occupation, and the Italian state could not sustain imperialism. Now, in 1919, those who wielded power confronted a desperate peasantry and a particularly precarious economic

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
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Elizabeth Dauphinée

, the skeletal remains of the National Library, a gutted Catholic church, four bodies under four white sheets. I stopped to buy a brick of white honey halva. I stared into the shops that sold copper džezve, vases, coffee cups, wooden cigarette holders, and plates emblazoned with the skyline of Sarajevo.2 I stopped at a restaurant. I ate ćevape, with peppery onions and soft lepinje. Then I went for an espresso. Even if I didn’t still have my plane ticket from Toronto in my desk drawer, even if my passport was not still marked by the now-dry ink stamp at the Karakaj

in The ethics of researching war
Abstract only
Timothy J. White

agents in world politics,31 conceiving of their role from constructivist assumptions. While not the first to study the role of religion in the Northern Ireland peace process,32 Maria Power in Chapter 7 examines the role of the Catholic Church in the Northern Ireland peace process by analysing not only the theological basis of Catholic attitudes and beliefs about peace but also the manifestations of these teachings as they were applied by bishops in Northern Ireland, especially Cahal Daly in the 1980s. Power demonstrates that faith creates action and explains how an

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
A constructivist realist critique of idealism and conservative realism
Paul Dixon

. 28.  8 Ibid., p. 35.  9 Ibid., p. 38. 10 J. Vaisse, Neoconservatism: The Biography of a Movement (London: Belknap Press, 2010), pp. 278–9. 11 This is a quite different interpretation of the role of religion than taken by Power in Chapter 7 who approaches the role of the Catholic Church in the 1980s from an idealist perspective. 12 J. Bew, M. Frampton, and I. Gurruchaga, Talking To Terrorists: Making Peace in Northern Ireland and the Basque Country (London: Hurst, 2009); M. Frampton, The Long March: The Political Strategy of Sinn Fein, 1981–2007 (Basingstoke

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
The British Order of St John of Jerusalem and the Red Cross in the Spanish civil wars of the 1870s
Jon Arrizabalaga, Guillermo Sánchez-Martínez and J. Carlos García-Reyes

true parliamentary monarchy and the liberal revolutionaries’ attempts – consistent with European secularising movements – to reduce the influence of religion and the Catholic Church on social life were used by Legitimists to justify the new uprising. The insurgents aimed to bring Carlos VII to the Spanish throne. The multifarious foreign initiatives to assist the Carlist war health services are a clear example of the extent of their support among Legitimist circles abroad, both in Europe and in the Americas. 2 The new Carlist war started in the spring of 1872 and

in The Red Cross Movement