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obey our teachers, since a Christian can only do wrong by not honouring or serving those parents adequately. And that is why this is taught in the first commandment of the second table, as the measure and rule of all others. What would become of any Catholic who ignored part of the symbol in which the faith of his or her mother was inscribed? Indeed, the words ‘I believe in the Catholic church’ represent a symbol everywhere! I do not think that the lord bishops are displeased by the fact that the Christian faith is drawn from the quiddity of the church, because they

in John Wyclif
The well- travelled tyrant and some of his unchecked baggage

International Work of Reference on the Constitution, Doctrine, Discipline, and History of the Catholic Church , ed. Charles G. Hebermann et al., 16 vols (New York: Encyclopedia Press, 1914 ), s.v. Scythopolis. 32 ‘He was no lesser than Alexander, or if so, it was by very little

in A knight’s legacy
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The Book of Esther in early modern biblical drama

performed’. 70 Could it thus be proposed that the Fool's criticism of the attack against the Jews by the king and his adviser was sanctioned in its turn as part of the Reformation's struggle against the dominant Catholic Church? Lastly, the perceived danger of the Fool's response to the mandate against the Jews in Ein Schön Purim Shpil is attested to by the burning of a later version of its text and the banned performance of all such plays by Jewish authorities in the early eighteenth century – perhaps as much for its

in Enacting the Bible in medieval and early modern drama
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Character depiction and direct discourse

, too.45 She greets Theodora with an invocation to God (191–4), and appears to know the rules of the Catholic Church in great detail (see below). That the old woman is playing a role in order to reach her aim can be deduced from her behaviour towards the young man. In the earlier conversation, her words are not marked by Christian diction. Character depiction and direct discourse 105 The trick the hag uses to arouse Theodora’s interest is to pretend that she is the one in need of help and seeking Theodora’s comfort – and the saint walks into the trap: ‘sit don

in The Scottish Legendary

him – by death, if necessary. 66 Such sentiments are consistent with his conviction that he was obligated – and prepared – to die to defend the res publica, the faith, and the unity of the Roman church. 67 The justifications he prepared to defend his actions at Anagni provide access to his ideas about the society in which he lived and his obligations to it and to God. He repeatedly invoked the organic metaphor, but in his apologies it was the body of the universal Catholic church to which he appealed, rather than the body of the kingdom. Echoing declarations

in Law, laity and solidarities

compatibility seems to suggest a closer approximation and therefore to imply an analogy with Protestantism and Catholicism. 31 Anti-Catholic discourse would, of course, have identified the Romans with the Catholic Church and Catherine's Christianity with Puritan virtue and stricter religious performance. Yet, given the historical source, the tyranny of Maximin represents paganism, and St Catherine persecuted Christianity; the depiction of the ‘Roman Church’ could very well be read allegorically as a critique of hypocritical

in Enacting the Bible in medieval and early modern drama
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Bede on the Flood

both the pure and impure; animals brought into the ark sevenfold are the clean, enjoying the seven-fold gift of the spirit, while those included in pairs signify the duplicity of the spiritually unclean, the false Christians who participate in the sacraments of the Catholic Church. These may even desire salvation, and outwardly appear on the way to redemption, but of them James 1:8 warns: vir duplex animo inconstans

in Water and fire

contrast to this position of contamination stood Gregory VII who, as with simony, tended to treat clerical marriage or concubinage as an issue of obedience. Like Damian, though, he did emphasize in a letter reprimanding Bishop Otto of Constance in 1075 that ‘the whole company of the catholic church are either virgins or chaste or married. Whoever stands outside these three orders is not numbered amongst the sons of the church or within the bounds of the Christian religion.’ 58 For Gregory, though, any use of sexual imagery or pollution rhetoric was inextricably bound up

in Reform and papacy in the eleventh century
Texts and contexts

the Catholic Church and support for the Lancastrian dynasty, into direct conflict. A rebellion led by an archbishop could not easily be reduced to his favourite narrative formula, ‘the objectification of opponents in a sufficiently vivid form to permit a reciprocal stabilisation of the Lancastrian king as the guarantor of civil order and ecclesiastical orthodoxy’. 14 For this reason Walsingham seems to have devoted considerable care to his account of the 1405 rebellion. At least three versions survive: the long narrative of the Chronica Majora , most probably

in Political culture in later medieval England
Defining the boundaries of Carolingian Christianity

canonical norms of God’s holy and apostolic catholic Church, and the attempts of apostates, heretics, schismatics, ultimately inspired by the devil, to subvert the true faith and seduce the populace into error. 16 Of course, such a self-representation was useful for Boniface and his followers, in that it flattened the complexities of the present, mapping them onto a typological template familiar from

in Frankland