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John Anderson

world, some of which were undergoing political transition. One was the rise, fall and rise of the so-called Christian Right in the USA which sought to change the American political agenda and that has, under President George W. Bush, seen its discourse become more widely accepted and its influence seemingly grow in the domestic and foreign policy thinking of a Republican administration. Whilst critics claimed that this revitalised movement was in danger of subverting American liberties and undermining the traditional separation of Church and

in Christianity and democratisation
Edward Ashbee

. An April 2011 poll found that 45 per cent of Tea Party supporters believed that Obama was born in Rallying around the Gadsden Flag 101 another country. Indeed, only 34 per cent accepted that the president had been born in the US (Condon, 2011). There were further ideational overlaps and intersects. Although the movement has sometimes been represented as a repudiation of the Christian Right and a turn towards economic rather than moral issues, there was a significant degree of borrowing from the narratives and discourses that defined contemporary religious

in The Right and the recession
Edward Ashbee

the voluntary sector would be more likely to operate on the basis of ‘tough love’ and selectivity and pull back from the blanket largesse offered by government agencies, this was never brought into the open. Third, core constituencies within the Republican orbit, in particular the Christian Right, were unenthusiastic about the faith-based initiative. There were fears that if religious groupings took federal government funds they would become beholden to government. Other Republican currents, particularly those who were ‘economic conservatives’ (and stressed the

in The Right and the recession
Edward Ashbee

), which he co-authored with his wife, are broadly representative of the genre. Daniel Williams’s more recent book, God’s Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right, is another such study (Williams, 2010). Seen in terms of constituencies, the Republican ascendancy from the late 1970s onwards can be attributed to the realignment of political allegiances as the white South abandoned the Democrats in the wake of desegregation, the party’s seeming embrace of cultural liberalism and the re-entry of white evangelical Protestantism, through organizations such as the Moral

in The Right and the recession
International socialisation across the pond?
Kelly Kollman

organisations dwarf those Kollman 06_Tonra 01 03/12/2012 12:45 Page 149 Same-sex unions in Canada and the United States of even the largest LGBT rights groups such as HRC or the Task Force (see Table 6.1).1 The Christian right has been particularly focussed on the issue of same-sex marriage since it came onto the agenda in the mid 1990s and has devoted significant resources to supporting state and federal legislation, court cases and even constitutional amendments to prohibit same-sex relationship recognition, especially marriage. Like their LGBT counterparts, Christian

in The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies
Richard Jackson

, and the 19 million Christian Right voters who purchase books like Pat Robertson’s New World Order or the Tim LaHaye novels about the end of the world now represent the single most influential voting bloc in the country (Aune 2003: 520). George W. Bush is arguably America’s first Christian fundamentalist president and many of his senior officials, notably Attorney General John Ashcroft, share his

in Writing the war on terrorism
Aaron Edwards

election, although remained somewhat reticent about their revolutionary zeal and vitality. Rarely patronising or patriarchal, Simpson struck the right balance between the party’s Christian right and its liberal soft centre-left. As Brett had said of him: he was ‘somewhere in the middle’ as far as the party spectrum was concerned. 60 Simpson often looked to the future in his speeches and for a reversal in the province’s unfortunate economic fortunes. He held firm to the gradualist belief (like his predecessor as leader, Tom Boyd) that a turnaround in the atmosphere in

in A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party
An interview with Tim O’Connor
Graham Spencer

view of the world – you see examples of it, for instance, in America and the Christian Right. For someone who reads between the lines, what are they reading? They are trying to find out whether there is a way of working with language in a way that gives you enough of what you need and gives me enough of what I need without either of us sacrificing on fundamentals. It’s as simple as that. That is similar to the nothing is agreed until everything is agreed approach? It is. Is there any

in Inside Accounts, Volume I
John Anderson

The impact of global Pentecostalism on democratisation is almost as hotly debated as the influence of the Christian Right on the American polity, and in some analyses the two movements are seen as connected. Initial studies tended to assume that Pentecostals were politically conservative and quiescent, inclined to other-worldly values that simply accepted the political order in the countries where they lived and worshipped. Several writers pointed to the support that Pentecostal leaders offered to General Pinochet in Chile, or to the

in Christianity and democratisation
Abstract only
John Anderson

returned to look at the impact of a revitalised Protestantism as represented by the predominantly evangelical Christian Right in the USA and the rapidly expanding global Pentecostal movement. In both cases we pointed to ambiguities, as religious leaders sometimes promoted illiberal policy agendas, yet the very fact of participating in politics often forced them to engage in the sort of bargaining and compromise that are an essential feature of democracy. Simultaneously, their followers often gained considerable experience in negotiating, organising and leading, all

in Christianity and democratisation