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A Christian modernity for tribal India
Author: David Hardiman

In November 1880 the Reverend Charles Thompson arrived at Kherwara, Rajasthan, India, to establish the first Anglican mission to the Bhils, a primitive tribe, by going amongst them as a healer. This book sets out the history of the interaction between the missionaries and the Bhils, a history of missionary medicine, and how certain Bhils forged their own relationship with modernity. During the 1870s, the Church Missionary Society declared its intention to open more missions 'among the non-Aryan hill-people', and the Bishop of Lahore wanted more missions to work amongst the 'aboriginal' Bhils. A great famine that began in 1899 brought radical changes in the mission to the Bhils. After the famine, many of the Bhagats, a local sect, became convinced that the sinless deity was the God of Christians, and they decided to convert en masse to Christianity. The missionaries working amongst the Bhils believed that Satan was in their midst, who was constantly enticing their hard-won converts to relinquish their new faith and revert to their 'heathen' ways. It was argued that 'heathen' beliefs and culture could be attacked only if female missionaries were required to work with native women. Mission work had always been hampered by a lack of funds, and at one time, the hospital at Lusadiya had to dissuade many would-be inpatients from coming for treatment due to lack of beds. The book also deals with the work of the mission in the post-colonial India, which laid more stress to healing than evangelism.

Abstract only
David Hardiman

(July 1909), 236–7. 48 Jane Birkett, ‘Lusadia Medical Mission’, BMR (1913), 7. 49 Jane Birkett, Lusadiya, ‘Church Missionary Society (Western India Mission) in Maharashtra and Bhil Land 1920

in Missionaries and their medicine
Abstract only
David Hardiman

Bhils have disciplined themselves to become good Christians, but it was Christianity on their own terms. This chapter examines their society, their history and their healing practices. C. S. Thompson had come to work amongst the Bhils in 1880 in accordance with a new strategy that the Church Missionary Society (CMS) was adopting at that time in India. The chapter also examines how the Bhils were made to fit into an evolutionary schema. In his report, Thomas Hendley claimed that in general 'The Bhils are a healthy race.' In making this claim, he appears to have been guided more by certain notions current at that time about the 'healthy primitive' than by any reality on the ground. Hendley observed that the Bhils believed that some people, mainly women, had the ability to cause sickness, misfortune or death.

in Missionaries and their medicine
David Hardiman

During the 1870s, the Church Missionary Society (CMS) declared its intention to open more missions 'among the non-Aryan hill-people', who it was feared were coming under Hindu influence. The Bishop of Lahore felt that more missions were needed to work amongst the 'aboriginal' Bhils. A new mission to the Gonds of central India had been opened and efforts had been made from time to time to reach the Bhils, particularly in Khandesh, where the society had a base at Malegaon. In the Bhil areas, the thakors established themselves as the patrons of particular Bhil pals, providing support for them when they raided pals that were under the protection of a different thakor. The leader of the Bhil Bhagats, Surmaldas, lived in the village of Lusadiya. This lay within the small estate of the Thakor of Karchha, a Rajput who was a tributary of Idar State.

in Missionaries and their medicine
Abstract only
Gareth Atkins

fellow-­worker in Hildebrand; the austerities of Benedict, the intolerance of Dominic, will find their counterpart at Geneva and in Massachusetts; the missionary zeal of the Arian Ulfilas, of the Jesuit Xavier, and of the Protestant Schwarz will be seen to flow from the same source.67 One did not have to be an out-­and-­out liberal to view Catholic figures in a favourable light. Stephen was one example of this; but it was no coincidence that in 1862 another second-­generation Claphamite, the General Secretary of the Church Missionary Society Henry Venn (1796

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
Roshan Allpress

Ibid., p. 17. 23 John Scott, The Duty and Advantage of Remembering Deceased Ministers (London: Seeley, Jackson, and Halliday, 1858), pp. 5, 23, 27. 24 Ibid., p. 15. 25 Ibid., p. 17. 26 Thomas Scott, Duty, p. 23. 27 Bob Tennant identifies early examples of this trope of living martyrdom in Church Missionary Society anniversary sermons in Corporate Holiness: Pulpit Preaching and the Church of England Missionary Societies, 1760–1870 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp.  132–4. Contra Tennant, however, this rhetoric was not merely about psychological impact

in Making and remaking saints in nineteenth-century Britain
Abstract only
June Cooper

. Among them were Hastings from St James’s, Kingston from St Catherine’s, Halahan from St Nicholas’s, Burroughs, rector from St Luke’s.130 The Very Revd the Dean of St  Patrick’s became the first Vice President of the DPOS, and Revds Halahan, Burroughs and Kingston became DPOS committee members. Revd Arthur Thomas Burroughs was curate of St James’s parish in the 1820s and a committee member of the Hibernian Church Missionary Society.131 He also sought support for the parochial school 20 The Protestant Orphan Society, 1828–1940 of Saint Nicholas Without, a charitable

in The Protestant Orphan Society and its social significance in Ireland, 1828–1940
A study in language politics
Heather J. Sharkey

Bible, not an American Arabic Bible, and for a while they thought they had found the man to make one. This was the Anglican W. H. T. Gairdner (1873–1928), of the Church Missionary Society in Egypt, who admitted that he thought of the Van Dyck Bible as ‘incomprehensible or inelegant’ in parts. 38 Even today, historians of Protestantism recognise Gairdner as a chronicler of the World Missionary Conference in Edinburgh in 1910, which propelled the Protestant ecumenical movement and anticipated the World Council of

in Chosen peoples
Jennifer Lloyd

proportionally more missionaries than other organizations that raised the money first, since their workers were responsible for their own support.82 Entry into the missionary profession was not easy. Only 186 of the Ladies’ Committee of the LMS’s 400 female applicants between 1875 and 1900 actually went out as missionaries, and by the 1890s the Church Missionary Society was rejecting 70 percent of candidates.83 The Committee wanted to recruit ‘the comparatively young between the ages of twenty-one and twenty-eight, full of health and vigour, … and … ladies of some education

in Women and the shaping of British Methodism
Abstract only
Gareth Atkins, Shinjini Das and Brian H. Murray

Missionary Society (1792) led the way, being followed by the London Missionary Society (1795), Church Missionary Society (1799), American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (1810) and, linked to these, the Basel Evangelische Missionsgesellschaft (1815). 18 One result was a change in the centre of gravity. Whereas in the eighteenth century globetrotting Danish or German Lutherans trained at the Halle Frankesche Stiftungen were employed even by Anglican societies to fill manpower shortages, by the mid

in Chosen peoples