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, European novels and other relevant texts are looked at, both as descriptions and embodiments of the Zeitgeist – in them are discerned ‘cartographies of disenchantment’, vying accounts of the causes, consequences and agents of rationalisation. Habermas’s Frankfurt School predecessor Leo Lowenthal engaged in a comparable exercise, though with an orientation to social, rather than cultural, modernity. Löwenthal’s studies of drama and fiction in the nineteenth century served to show in detail that the

in Habermas and European integration
Is there space for the emergence of ‘dissidents’?

experience, relegating portrayals of its party as one of romantic tradition and heritage. Amid this redefinition of republican core ideology New Sinn Féin is portrayed as the epitome of post-modern politics. Identity and culture have replaced territory and sovereignty as key issues, the Sinn Féin ‘Ireland of Equals’ slogan being the embodiment of this.72 Similarly to Bean, Frampton proposes that the period leading up to the Good Friday Agreement was a time in which the nature of the republican movement became utterly transformed; ‘by 2007, Sinn Féin was virtually

in Spoiling the peace?
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question by articulating a conception of supranational citizenship as the institutional embodiment of the active and collective agency of reasonable composite selves in a community of rights, shaping their common and separate destinies under conditions of political equality and mutual recognition and respect. Whatever its territorial scope, insofar as that citizenship consists in effective powers and constitutes a political order conducing to the wellbeing and freedom of individuals, it authorises and justifies the framework of political authority. The political

in Supranational Citizenship
Black radicalism in the long 1980s

9 ‘Race Today cannot fail’: black radicalism in the long 1980s Robin Bunce No discussion of the British left in the 1980s would be complete without an account of the Race Today Collective. Simply put, the collective was the most influential group of black radicals in the UK, ‘the centre, in England, of black liberation’.1 From its foundation in the mid-1970s to its dissolution in 1991, the collective coalesced around the magazine Race Today. It was the embodiment of C. L. R. James’s vision of a small organisation. Consequently, members saw their role in the

in Labour and the left in the 1980s
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The rise of cosmopolitan dystopia

uniformity.16 Their political vision and hopes for liberalism were thus restricted, with the most that could be hoped for being the cautious, prudent relief of extreme human suffering in a world that was irredeemably conflicted, plural and fallen, beyond redemption. Human rights were the legal and institutional embodiment of this exemplary hope that suffering and injustice could be meliorated while at the same time avoiding the terrible, ineluctable fate of utopians, whose radical passion for sweeping political change inevitably leads to dystopian totalitarianism. Yet if

in Cosmopolitan dystopia
Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

The legacy of history

This chapter traces the history of radical left party (RLP) policies and orientation towards European integration, taking further issue with the usefulness of the concept of ‘Euroscepticism’ as a way of encapsulating the rich variety of views and strategies that emerge from our survey. We consider how a wide range of factors has influenced RLPs’ attitudes towards European integration. We aim to show how parties that saw the nation-state as an embodiment of revolutionary and socially egalitarian values (as in the French Jacobin tradition) are likely to differ markedly from parties whose experience of nationalism is bitter and whose historical patrimony makes any recourse to ‘defence of the nation-state’ problematic at best – such as the German, Italian and Spanish parties. We analyse the legacy of RLPs’ co-operation inside the European Parliament from their first appearance there in the 1960s until the post-1989 break-up of the Italian Communist Party, the launch of the Confederal Group of the European United Left/Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) in the European Parliament in 1994 and, eventually, the birth of the EL in 2004.

in The European Left Party

Politics of war reporting.qxd:Layout 1 78 28/9/11 11:14 Page 78 The politics of war reporting self-effacing disposition, which is to say the embodiment of practices which are recognised or misrecognised as constituting self-effacement. This is an instance of what I referred to earlier as the ‘interest in disinterest’ (Bourdieu, 1993a: 154) – an apparent disavowal of status or riches which may be strategically oriented towards achieving exactly that (see below). Selflessness is also sometimes used to mitigate another quality, such as adventurousness, which elsewhere

in The politics of war reporting

Roman imperium. There is even a slight physical resemblance: Bové is a short man with a long drooping moustache and receding sandy hair. Bové’s protest against globalisation, however, was not the first. Since the 1980s, other discontents have taken to the streets. Often, their anger was narrowly focused on transnational corporations, which were perceived as the embodiment of everything wrong with the global order. Enjoying international celebrity, in November 1999 Bové flew into Seattle to protest the Third Ministerial meeting of the WTO. Showing characteristic flair

in The ascent of globalisation