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the Vietnamese and German diasporas. Nation-building in the GDR and the FRG revolved around their competing claims to be the sole legitimate representative, or ‘rightful political embodiment’ (McKay 1998 , 3) of the German nation. Each state initially supported unification as a means of extending its political system across both territories, with the FRG eventually doing just that in 1990. In contrast

in Soldered states
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show how heroes function as the embodiment of national unity and pride. Benedict Anderson ( 1991 , 163) writes that ‘in the “nation-building” policies of the new states one sees both a genuine, popular nationalist enthusiasm, and a systematic, even Machiavellian, instilling of nationalist ideology through the mass media, the educational system, administrative regulations, and so forth’. The chapter

in Soldered states

in Berlin’s negative and positive liberties. The transcendent approach stems from the traditional laissez faire British liberal tradition of Adam Smith and Richard Cobden and seeks to identify with a source of good beyond politics. Suspicious of the state, ill at ease with the messiness of governing, it can be tied up with an overtly religious creed, or with some other form of transcendent good – a politically neutral international organisation or statement of principle or law – an embodiment of Enlightenment ideas about pure reason. The transcendent approach is

in Britain and Africa under Blair

Americans into history’.35 In his consumption and embodiment of the de Leóns, Yunior’s history is exposed as constructed, like any other. This allows Díaz to emphasise to readers ‘the constructed nature of all histories and narratives in general’, while also compelling them ‘to examine the power structures behind the act of telling’.36 Accordingly, Díaz uses Yunior as a dictator-​narrator but only as a foil in a broader agenda of questioning history. As Hanna reminds us, the novel ‘implicitly implores readers to question [Yunior’s] authority in taking over the narration

in Crossing borders and queering citizenship
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wideranging scheme of surveillance that existed over a relatively long time and the glimpses it offers into the world of those who took part in this endeavour. While concepts such as control, surveillance and oppression of subaltern communities are widely used in social science literature, there are very few substantive studies of how these concepts take shape and materialize in everyday reality. This book aims to show their embodiment in state–minority relations in Israel in the first two decades. The analysis is intended to go beyond abstractions, theorization and jargon

in Thorough surveillance
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in fact been dedicated to building viable states’ (Connor 1984 , 40–1, emphasis in original). The core principles of nationalism – the prioritisation of the nation, its positive valorisation, its institutional expression, its embodiment of territory and tradition and the emotional attachment it engenders – legitimate and perpetuate the current political division of the globe into states (Freeden 1998 , 751–2). Accordingly

in Soldered states

of the European Parliament in 2002, serving for the statutory two and a half years until 2004. Containing as it does representatives elected from all the member states of the European Union, the role of the Parliament is almost by definition a complex one, and it falls to the President to ensure its effective operation. In a very real sense, the President is the embodiment of the democratic will and aspirations of Europeans as expressed in their Parliament, and to be elected to that office through secret ballot is a particular mark of trust. In his lecture, Pat Cox

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century

constituted by and through relations with others. Care ethics is constituted not by rules or principles, but through practices. In contrast to the masculinist moral subject constructed by rationalist ethics – autonomous, self-willing, governed by reason – care ethicists see moral subjects as naturally vulnerable and mutually dependent. Care ethics emphasizes embodiment and human frailty, and

in Recognition and Global Politics
A post-colonial reassessment of cultural sensitivity in conflict governance

one’s ideology, hung the tapestry of ‘Indian history’ between the two poles of the homologous sets of oppositions, despotic–constitutional, medieval–modern, feudal–capitalist. Within this narrative shared between imperialist and nationalist imaginations, the ‘local Indian’ was always constituted as the embodiment of error or privation.21 This representation of the ‘truth’ of the Indian body further ‘set the stage for the sanitary policing and regulation of the population’22 deeming the colonised incapable of their own self-governance. Parallel to contemporary

in Cultures of governance and peace

desire of the new democracies of East Central Europe to ‘return to Europe’. This role-set involves both the role perceptions ascribed to the EU by outsiders and role conceptions expressed by the role-holders themselves (see chapter 6 ). In the early 1990s, these role perceptions and conceptions coalesced around a view of the EU as the institutional embodiment of the ‘European ideal’. The EU was seen

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy