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, European novels and other relevant texts are looked at, both as descriptions and embodiments of the Zeitgeist – in them are discerned ‘cartographies of disenchantment’, vying accounts of the causes, consequences and agents of rationalisation. Habermas’s Frankfurt School predecessor Leo Lowenthal engaged in a comparable exercise, though with an orientation to social, rather than cultural, modernity. Löwenthal’s studies of drama and fiction in the nineteenth century served to show in detail that the

in Habermas and European integration
Is there space for the emergence of ‘dissidents’?

experience, relegating portrayals of its party as one of romantic tradition and heritage. Amid this redefinition of republican core ideology New Sinn Féin is portrayed as the epitome of post-modern politics. Identity and culture have replaced territory and sovereignty as key issues, the Sinn Féin ‘Ireland of Equals’ slogan being the embodiment of this.72 Similarly to Bean, Frampton proposes that the period leading up to the Good Friday Agreement was a time in which the nature of the republican movement became utterly transformed; ‘by 2007, Sinn Féin was virtually

in Spoiling the peace?
Place, space and discourse
Editors: Christine Agius and Dean Keep

Identity is often regarded as something that is possessed by individuals, states, and other agents. In this edited collection, identity is explored across a range of approaches and under-explored case studies with a view to making visible its fractured, contingent, and dynamic features. The book brings together themes of belonging and exclusion, identity formation and fragmentation. It also examines how identity functions in discourse, and the effects it produces, both materially and in ideational terms. Taking in case studies from Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and Latin America, the various chapters interrogate identity through formal governing mechanisms, popular culture and place. These studies demonstrate the complex and fluid nature of identity and identity practices, as well as implications for theorising identity.

Roman imperium. There is even a slight physical resemblance: Bové is a short man with a long drooping moustache and receding sandy hair. Bové’s protest against globalisation, however, was not the first. Since the 1980s, other discontents have taken to the streets. Often, their anger was narrowly focused on transnational corporations, which were perceived as the embodiment of everything wrong with the global order. Enjoying international celebrity, in November 1999 Bové flew into Seattle to protest the Third Ministerial meeting of the WTO. Showing characteristic flair

in The ascent of globalisation
Liberalism, realism, and constructivism

” role was thus played by all, but the embodiment of that role was manifest quite differently. Differences in respective strategic cultures, and different perceptions of the Russian threat were decisive in explaining the most recent variance observable in the V4. The countries of the region that truly fear Russia have given money and lives to display their commitment to multilateral missions in the hopes that, if necessary

in Defense policies of East-Central European countries after 1989
Open Access (free)

, or to write histories of ideas tracing the morphology of a given concept over time’ (Skinner 1969: 48). For, as he goes on, ‘the classic texts are concerned with their own alien problems’ (52). Any ‘statement is inescapably the embodiment of particular intentions, or a particular occassion’, and thus specific to its context in a way that it can only be ‘naïve to try to transcend’ (50). Skinner has a point. Rousseau was obviously a product of his age. As is natural, even for a genius, he reacted to developments in his own age. Yet this does not mean that we cannot

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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emerges here as a complex subject position. There are intimate tyrannies that tie the individual to the state. But this is not simply the nostalgia for the paternalist Soviet state. It is also the idea of the nation-state as protecting the ethnos that is invoked here. The post-1991 nationalist rhetoric framed the state as the embodiment of the nation and its chief dream. As Aivars’ and Silva’s narratives show, there is waiting for what was hoped for on the Baltic Way, and there is bitterness about how little of what was hoped for and expected has come to be. We see a

in Politics of waiting

qualities of collective identity are given a particular significance in the context of nationhood. The nation, as the embodiment of a collective identity, functions to equip members of a nation-state with ‘a sense of belonging and a security in themselves and in each other’ (Keane, 1995: 187). To apply Schlesinger’s (1992) dual definition of the processes involved in identity formation, national identity involves an imaginary process based on myths, symbols and emblems of the historical nation and drawing a connection between the experience of the contemporary members of

in Irish nationalism and European integration
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sites, different from those organized around the usual d­ isciplinary institutions of the urban or less urban centres? Michalis’s embodiment of the national boundary, as a limit that hides a violent threat, seems to suggest a different analytic lens: disciplinarity does not seem to form the organizing principle of psychic structuration. According to Foucault’s evolutionary trajectory, punition is progressively distanced from the visible practice of physical violence. Discipline takes the place of violence. As a result, the exteriority of power that is pressed onto the

in The political materialities of borders

party campaigned in the 2015 general election, offering nothing more than a feeble echo of the Conservative message of public debt reduction and Labour guilt.’ 8 Certainly there were serious strategic shortcomings in a Liberal Democrat campaign in May 2015 that sought to depict the Party as an embodiment of an equidistance strategy that had been abandoned by Ashdown in 1995, and to some extent revived under the leadership of Kennedy and to a large extent under Clegg. The equidistance strategy was clearly apparent in 2015 in the Liberal

in The uneven path of British Liberalism