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German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Klaus Neumann

migrants from the Sea-Watch 3 ( Longhin, 2019 ). 15 On the history of the DGzRS, see Anders et al. (1997) and Claußen (2015) . 16 On the sinking of the Johanna , see Schramm (2009) . 17 Arguably, the idea of Europe was also challenged by the Eurozone countries’ response to the Greek debt crisis, and the German Willkommenskultur was also a reaction to the reputational damage perceived by Germans as a result of Germany’s role in that response (see Neumann, 2016 ). 18 An article in the online edition of the Bremen daily Weser

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Europeanisation and its twenty-first-century contradictions

The European Union (EU) is faced by the Eurozone crisis, the rise of anti-EU populism and 'Brexit'. In its immediate neighbourhood it is confronted by a range of challenges and threats. This book explores the origins of the term 'Europeanisation' and the way in which its contemporary iteration-EU-isation-has become associated with the normative power of the EU. The concept of European identity is discussed, with an indication that there are different levels of identity of which a European consciousness can be just one. An overview of different mechanisms the EU uses to promote EU-isation in the neighbourhood and a discussion on the limits of conditionality when membership is not on offer is also included. The book discusses these themes in more detail. It powerfully states the salience of Russia in establishing an alternative geopolitical pole to the EU. The presence of Russia as the Eurasian Economic Union appears to play the role of being a way of preserving traditional conservative values in contrast to the uncomfortable challenges of EU-isation. The Balkans' and Turkey's reception of EU-isation is not affected by the experience of being in-betweeners. The book examines the issue of EU-isation and the relationship between values (norms), interests and identity based on various sectors/themes which cut across different neighbours and are core elements in their relations with the EU.

Miguel Otero-Iglesias

4 Assessing the European Union’s economic relations with the Asia-Pacific Miguel Otero-Iglesias Introduction Over the past decade a number of factors have increased the interest of the European Union (EU) and its member states in the Asia-Pacific region: the global financial crisis initiated in the US in 2007–8, which showed the weaknesses of US-led financial capitalism; the Eurozone crisis in 2010–12, which demonstrated the structural flaws of the single currency and the sclerotic state of the Old Continent; Obama’s 2011 “pivot” to Asia, which confirmed that

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Navigating between trouble and promise
Gustaaf Geeraerts

, good governance, human rights, international trade regulations, humanitarian intervention and state-building, recently both the US’s and Europe’s authority as political drivers of global governance stand to the test (Acharya, 2014; Kupchan, 2012). As much as the US, weighed by debt and deficits, is struggling to maintain its superpower status, the EU, faced with the Eurozone debt crisis – and more recently the refugee crisis in combination with the creeping challenge of the far right – is struggling to keep its act together. The EU remains unsure about its role in

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Inter-regionalism in a new era
Julie Gilson

number of internal 46 General strategic context problems in Europe, including the crisis of the Greek economy which threatened not only the Eurozone’s future but the future of the EU itself in its current form. In 2016, the blow to the EU from the Brexit vote elicited a region-wide questioning of the European project. The reverberations around the continent, coupled with ongoing economic crises and a dramatically increasing problem of inflowing refugees, have ensured that European eyes are rarely turned on Asia at the moment. As will be shown later, US responses to

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Suetyi Lai
Li Zhang

collected in 2006 to the most recent one in 2015. Similarly, national leaders of the EU big three had appeared more frequently than EU officials. In the dataset collected after the outbreak of the Eurozone debt crisis, attention given at the time to the “problematic” countries, the so-called “PIIGS” countries (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain), rose significantly. Another noteworthy point is that the EC/EU Public diplomacy of the EU in East Asia 109 120 Major 100 Secondary Minor 80 60 40 20 2006 2008 2009 2011 South Korea Japan China Thailand

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Fulvio Attinà

EU’s policy towards Asia is overshadowed by the pessimistic view that EU actorship in global affairs is altogether in decline because of the financial crisis and the consequent failure of the European leaders to save the economy of the countries of the Eurozone. In such circumstances, the EU’s leverage instruments are not military coercion and economic incentive instruments but the instruments of persuasion and communication. Last, critics highlight that, beyond the EU’s own limitations, the situation in Asia invites caution about furthering the European engagement

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Abstract only
Helen Thompson

light manufacturing, the Italian economy needs lower interest rates and a weaker euro. If the ECB and the foreignexchange markets do not oblige, any Italian government, whichever party is in power, will have to decide whether in a representative democracy it can sustain Italian membership of a union that seems radically to curtail policy options for dealing with severe economic difficulties whilst servicing the economies of other euro-zone states rather more successfully. Yet if an Italian government did choose to withdraw from the euro, M1218 - THOMPSON TXT

in Might, right, prosperity and consent
Nicole Scicluna

(Smith, 1998). Therefore, the EU’s weakness as a political actor long predates the economic crisis that has plagued the EU, particularly the Eurozone, for the last several years. Nevertheless, the Euro crisis has exacerbated EU foreign policy weakness in two ways. Firstly, the crisis has fuelled external perceptions of the EU as a power in decline – riven by divisions and incapable of acting decisively. Secondly, the crisis has forced EU institutions and member states to turn inwards, diverting considerable attention and resources away from foreign-policy goals and

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Financial liberalisation and the end of the Cold War
Helen Thompson

in the single currency. By the end of the year, the government was projecting a budget deficit for 1998 under 3 per cent. Although national debt remained around twice that allowed, the German government lacked the credibility to exclude Italy from membership of the euro-zone.70 Prodi’s government had saved the internal authority of the Italian state from crisis, but had fatally damaged itself in doing so. Under conditions of such severe fiscal austerity, Italy in 1998 was growing more slowly than any of the other euro-bound economies and unemployment had reached 11

in Might, right, prosperity and consent