While most of the Germans who suffered expulsion during the First World War lived within British shores, the Royal Navy brought Germans from throughout the world to face incarceration in the their network of camp. This book offers a new interpretation of global migration from the early nineteenth until the early twentieth century. It examines the elite German migrants who progressed to India, especially missionaries, scholars and scientists, businessmen and travellers. The book investigates the reasons for the migration of Germans to India. An examination of the realities of German existence in India follows. It then examines the complex identities of the Germans in India in the century before the First World War. The role of the role of racism, orientalism and Christianity is discussed. The stereotypes that emerged from travelogues include: an admiration of Indian landscapes; contempt for Hinduism; criticism of the plight of women; and repulsion at cityscapes. The book moves to focus upon the transformation which took place as a result of this conflict, mirroring the plight of Germans in other parts of the world. The marginalisation which took place in 1920 closely mirrored the plight of the German communities throughout the British Empire. The unique aspect of the experience in India consisted of the birth of a national identity. Finally, the book places the experience of the Germans in India into four contexts: the global history of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; German history; history of the British Empire in India; and Indian history.
’s interpretation of the very existence of Thailand as an independent nation-state, this conversation has been crucial, as it made Prince Naresuan aware of the then subordinate position of the Siamese. The second key moment is King Naresuan’s declaration of independence ( prakat issaraphap ) in 1584. The declaration was ritually performed by pouring ‘water on the earth from a golden goblet’. 33 The third is Naresuan’s gunshot across the Satong river, also in 1584, that killed the Burmese commander. 34 The significance of this gunshot – beyond demonstrating the superiority of
The German social democratic periodical Der Wahre Jacob waged a near-constant
battle against the conservative establishment in the course of its five
decades of existence. Opposing the Wilhelmine culture of militarism and
Weltpolitik, and supportive of international labour, it nonetheless betrayed
a number of ambiguous positions when it came to matters of race and gender.
While Imperial Germany’s coercive and brutal tactics in colonial warfare
were roundly condemned, it was the actions of the British and the French
that came in for particular attention. Moreover, the very principle of
colonialism and imperialism was not criticised effectively; merely the means
by which the Great Powers exercised their – apparently rightful – imperial
power. The chapter explores Der Wahre Jacob’s engagement with such issues
between its foundation and the beginning of the First World War.
within the broader narrative of Manifest Destiny. In this narrative, slavery occupied a central, if complexly contested position. There were northern proponents of annexation who unreservedly opposed both the spread and the existence of slavery.
Even as staunch an opponent of the institution as Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, who later successfully defended the slaves who revolted on the Amistad , could remark to the US Minister to Spain in 1823: ‘it is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the
Sarukhan’s al-Masri Effendi cartoons in the first half of the
which he first appeared, and to the sociocultural group of the Effendiyya , to which he ‘belonged’. As a representative of the Effendiyya , the character was meant to symbolise what it meant to be a modern Egyptian subject in the context of the anti-colonial struggle. In other words, the visual image will be addressed here as a sign indicating the existence of meaning, as well as a testimony to the prevailing differences between the ‘reality’ or the ‘world’ per se, and the one which exists in the mind.
Rajas, maharajas and others in post-colonial India
clans, the princes considered themselves the upholders of all the values associated with rulers and warriors; they were supposed to be (and often were) cultivated, judicious, brave, decisive and chivalrous. Along with their military ethos went lives spent in grandeur: an existence of privilege and luxury played out against the backdrop of magnificent palaces and grand mansions ( haveli ). The princely states were institutions equally appreciated by the new paramount British rulers of the nineteenth century who chose to view them in Orientalist terms and were delighted
The Colonial Service can therefore be rather simply
categorised as the ‘people’ side of the organisational
bureaucracy, overseeing recruitment of staff for Empire, their terms and
conditions of service and acting as the main negotiator for transfers
between the colonies themselves. The Colonial Service had been in
existence since 1838, but it was really first shaken up and reorganised
under the tenure
steadily throughout its existence, except for a dip in 1933, which was
explained away as part of the worldwide Depression. 11 The high point of its success was
achieved in 1938, when as many as 75 per cent of all births taking place
in Zanzibar Town were attended by ZMA midwives. 12 An important feature of the service
was that it did not insist on hospital care for expectant mothers and
consequences for Africans ill equipped
to handle the transition from a presumably unchanging,
‘traditional’ existence to a highly dynamic
‘modern’ world. Although there were a few detractors,
psychological studies of Africans before the 1960s tended to support the
notion that, in general, adult African intelligence was inferior to that
of the adult European. Inferior intelligence was deemed to be both a
glory and the dream”.’ 40
Yet for all that the idea of ‘transcendence’ cast the Commonwealth in a positive light, it failed to provide the RCS with a functioning definition that they could use to justify their ongoing existence and activity. For this, the society increasingly relied on the rhetoric of the People's Commonwealth. The idea of the People's Commonwealth rested on two key principles: that the Commonwealth was sustained by the actions of individuals rather than governments, and that it was uniquely suited to