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The German community in Shanghai, 1933-1945

the war for maintaining German political continuity could hardly do other than minimise the role and weight of ideology and politics during the twelve years they represented their country in China. At the same time, they have played down the importance of their own role and function. After 1945 they all had a common reaction: to remain silent about that period. The few pieces written about life in Shanghai were penned by diplomats and journalists who were deeply involved. Keeping silent on the subject of this period and its

in New frontiers
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by either men or women, with Paula Mueller-­Otfried referring to it as a ‘two-­ edged sword’ and ‘a Greek gift’, though she repudiated a petition for its abolition in February 1919.6 This chapter seeks to explore women’s participation in Weimar politics, as voters, elected representatives, members of political parties and targets of their propaganda, and as political activists outside the parliamentary arena. It will investigate the impact of female suffrage on German politics and political culture and will determine which parties, if any, benefited from female

in Women in the Weimar Republic

This chapter maps the dynamics that characterized the pan-Germanism project's efforts at garnering support and simulating nationalistic assimilative desires among German minorities abroad. Absolute establishment of Germanic culture in the fatherland being the aim, the project also envisaged force purging or metamorphosis of non-German identities into the German culture. While some German-national elements displayed great skepticism vis-à-vis the extremes of the nascent National Socialism, all nationalists agreed that a genuine national movement, including National Socialism, would be instrumental in heralding German political unity. The intersections between state propaganda and policy on the one hand, and nationalist activism in the coordinated public sphere of the state on the other, show how Austrofascists and German nationalists each sought to define the particular and universal expressions of Austrian pan-German identity – Austria as a German state and Austria within the German nation – in the years before Anschluss.

in Pan-Germanism and the Austrofascist state, 1933–38

1950s was the relatively small number of refugees who lived in these Länder of the former French Occupation Zone.70 Connor_02_MainText.indd 149 10/8/07 12:36:26 150 Refugees and expellees in post-war Germany Political integration The decline of the BHE As noted in chapter 4, the remarkable electoral success achieved by the newly established refugee party, the BHE, at the State Election in Schleswig-Holstein in July 1950 had a profound effect on West Germany’s fledgling political system and by the end of 1951 the BHE was represented in the state assemblies of

in Refugees and expellees in post-war Germany

home front following the privations of the turnip winter of 1916–17 but also of the significant role that women could play in mobilising that support. Stibbe has argued that in the second half of the war nationalist men expended considerable effort in trying to mobilise patriotic women for their cause, and the German Fatherland Party, founded on 2 September 1917 in response to a Reichstag resolution for a peace without annexations, could boast a one-­third share of female members, the highest proportion of any German political party.176 This is a clear sign of the

in Women in the Weimar Republic

administrations, while the Americans were in practice more interventionist than they were prepared to concede publicly.27 The key issue was accommodation. The Occupying Authorities, supported by the German political elites at regional level, were determined to avoid, wherever possible, the long-term accommodation of refugees in camps because, apart from humanitarian considerations, they believed that the presence of a large number of economically deprived people in a confined space provided the ideal conditions for outbreaks of political radicalisation. However, some local

in Refugees and expellees in post-war Germany
Health and medicine in the planning and politics of British Tanganyika

the discourse on health rather late, only in the 1940s. Thus the third relationship ‘health as goal of development’ cannot have been conceptualised earlier. The other two usages, however, can be found already in German political and medical discussions on East Africa long before the First World War. Medical doctors on ‘development’ in German East

in Developing Africa
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The moron as a poorly functioning human

. 65. 40 Burleigh, The Third Reich, p. 344. 41 See, for example, Höhne, The Order of the Death’s Head, pp. 39–44, 59; Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics, pp. 474–8. 42 Guyer, ‘Sterilization’, p. 34. 43 Barrows, in ‘Discussion on provision for the feeble-­minded’, p. 402; also see p. 396. 44 Keene, ‘The genesis of the defective’, p. 413. 45 Sanger, The Pivot of Civilization, p. 112. 46 E.E. Southard, ‘The feeble-­minded as subjects of research in efficiency’, in Proceedings of the National Conference on Charities and Correction (Chicago

in Framing the moron
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The Armistice and depictions of victimhood in German women’s art, 1918–24

, sailors and workers, but artists and intellectuals also formed groups and councils and sought to play an active role in reshaping German politics and society.31 Female left-wing political figures were actively involved in the revolutionary press, and women writers and artists sympathised with the idealism and promises of socialist rhetoric.32 Some women also became involved in the artists’ groups that emerged in the wake of the revolution. Female artists in the Berlin-based Novembergruppe, for example, included Dora Hitz, Katharina Heise, Margarete Kubicka and Ines

in The silent morning
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, The Rise of the Great Powers, 1648–1815 (London and New York: Longman, 1983), p. 26; Peter H. Wilson, German Armies: War and German Politics 1648–1806 (London: UCL Press, 1998), pp. 63, 87, 107, 179, 206–207, 228, 267–269; Dwyryd Wyn Jones, War and Economy in the Age of William III and Marlborough (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), pp. 8–11; Jeremy Black, ‘Parliament and Foreign Policy in the Age of Walpole: The Case of the Hessians’, in Knights Errant and True Englishmen: British Foreign Policy, 1660–1800, ed. by Jeremy Black (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers Ltd

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789