Note: 1949–87: West Germany; 1990–2010: Germany including the former German
Source: Infratest Dimap
since the Great Recession) to a fundamental contradiction in Germanpolitics.
Even though the welfare state is highly popular, its actual provisions are subordinated to world market success. Austerity is thus, however grudgingly, accepted
as necessary in order
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons. The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
system’.23 However, once again no action ensued – and indeed more rigorous surveillance would have run counter to the policies of government,
particularly after Neville Chamberlain became Prime Minister in 1937,
pursuing a policy of ‘appeasement’ of the Axis powers.
The case of Hans Wesemann
In fact, the ‘Auslandsorganisation’ and visiting journalists did not represent the only possible channels for German espionage on British soil; this
could be achieved through refugee circles as well. The confusion prevailing
in the ranks of the Germanpolitical exiles
sinister role in the suicides of Dr Dora Fabian and Frau
Wurm at 12, Great Ormond Street on 1.4.1935’. The report, which was
also informed by the confessions that Wesemann had made to the Swiss
police about his relations with the German Embassy in London, noted that,
through the Embassy, Wesemann ‘was working for a secret department of
the German police which is exclusively concerned in watching Germanpolitical refugees abroad, luring the most dangerous back to Germany or
taking other steps to render them innocuous’.30 It noted further that,
after the Fabian–Wurm deaths
Germany's approach to tackling the financial and Eurozone crises was central to the entire issue. However, analyses have tended to focus almost entirely on the policy choices taken by Angela Merkel's centre right Christian Democratic Party. Surprisingly little attention has been given to the policy positions developed and adopted by Germany's political parties on the centre left, even though their policies have been those of a junior coalition partner and are potentially those of a future governing party. On
, resulting in frequent territorial
disputes between MI5 and MI6.
MI5 was established to combat the threat of German espionage. The
focus on Germany as a potential and real enemy remained a major concern
of the organisation until 1945, though during the inter-war period it was
matched by concern about the ‘red menace’. These twin preoccupations
help to explain the surveillance of so many German ‘political’ refugees after
1933, most of whom were targeted as ‘Communists and suspected Communists’. The Security Service only rather belatedly recognised the threat
among judicial and political elites as a result
of several cultural and institutional features of the Germanpolitical landscape.
The processes by which national political systems have translated the SSU
norm into specific policy models is thus multi-faceted and cannot, as is largely
the case with the SSU adoption question, be explained by culture alone. I use the
concepts of discursive and political opportunity structures to distinguish the
roles that institutional structures, constitutional norms and broader cultural
values have played in shaping these specific SSU
perspective, it was argued, could the aporia of the subject be overcome without an abandonment
of reason. The appearance of TCA and PDM coincided with a rightward shift in Germanpolitics,
the election of Helmut Kohl in 1982 inaugurating sixteen years of Christian Democratic
government. As previously, it was in Habermas’s journalism that theoretical concerns
were made relevant to contemporary affairs.
’Conservative politics, work, socialism and Utopia today’
(Habermas, 1986d ), an article from 1984, continued to chart
Pritt’s Parliamentary Question of 8 May 1945 on the decision not to
transfer Bush to the Army Education Corps (Hansard, 5th Series, Parliamentary
Debates, HC, vol. 410, col. 1864).
21 Draft MI5 minute for HO, 25 September 1939, TNA, KV2/1010/19a (file on
22 Reports dating between April and June 1941, in TNA, KV2/3515.
23 See Charmian Brinson, The Strange Case of Dora Fabian and Mathilde Wurm: A
Study of GermanPolitical Exiles in London during the 1930’s, Berne: Lang 1997,
pp. 295ff. and passim.
24 Cross-reference on ‘Brockway, A. Fenner’, 21 June
crisis’, BBC News, 2 September, available at:
BBC (2012). ‘Draghi backs eurozone super-commissioner plan’, BBC News Business, 28
October, available at: www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-20116668.
Blair, T. (2004). Prime minister’s speech to Goldman Sachs on the economy, 22 March,
available at: www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page5555.asp (accessed 1 October
Braunthal, G. (2003). ‘The SPD, the welfare state, and Agenda 2010’, GermanPolitics
and Society, 21(4), 1–29.
Callinicos, A. (2012). ‘The second coming of the radical left