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Environmental activism online

The politics of cyberspace is of importance both for the future use of computer-mediated communication (CMC) and within traditional political arenas, commerce and society itself. Within Britain there are many different political groups that have a presence online and utilise CMC, including for example members of the far right, human rights advocates, religious groups and environmental activists. This book examines the relationship between the strategies of environmental activist movements in Britain and their use of CMC. It explores how environmental activists negotiate the tensions and embrace the opportunities of CMC, and analyses the consequences of their actions for the forms and processes of environmental politics. It serves as a disjuncture from some broader critiques of the implications of CMC for society as a whole, concentrating on unpacking what CMC means for activists engaged in social change. Within this broad aim there are three specific objectives. It first evaluates how CMC provides opportunities for political expression and mobilization. Second, the book examines whether CMC use has different implications for established environmental lobbying organisations than it does for the non-hierarchical fluid networks of direct action groups. Third, it elucidates the influence of CMC on campaign strategies and consequently on business, government and regulatory responses to environmental activism.

The restructuring of work in Britain

clear from Blair’s speech, it can be highly politically expedient to represent globalisation as ‘outside’ and beyond effective control by governments, and to position a national policy programme as a necessary response. This chapter challenges the opposition of globalisation and ‘national capitalisms’ by exploring the making and remaking of a ‘British model’ of hyperflexibility.1 Through a reconceptualisation of ‘models of capitalism’ as shifting and circulating webs of power, I question how it has been possible to represent a flexible ‘model’, and why this

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
An international political economy of work

. Representing globalisation in a deterministic and apolitical way, I have argued, decisively enables the restructuring of work to be ordered, disciplined, prescribed and depoliticised. It becomes possible for a range of international economic institutions, governments and corporate strategists to confine debate to an instrumental discussion of reforms, as seen in the World Bank’s (1995; 2001) and the OECD’s (1996; 1997) policy interventions. In many ways the sphere of flexibility in working practices does not serve simply as a ‘case-study’ of flexibilisation, but is pivotal

in Globalisation contested
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Spaces and spectres of Ireland after NAMA

the Environment, Heritage and Local Government survey in May 2010 recorded 2,846 unfinished estates in the country, 777 of which met the criteria of a ghost estate – an estate of ten or more houses where 50 per cent are either vacant or under construction. Ghost estates are a particularly austere material symbol of the spectacular collapse of the Celtic Tiger, a metaphor for the glut of excess characteristic of the era and of impending social dissolution. The remnants of construction sites stand frozen in time, often with cranes, diggers, portacabins and other

in Spacing Ireland
Communities and collaboration along the Irish border

redirection of funding will have consequences for the sustainability of cross-border partnerships and spatial planning in the Irish border context. A physical, social and economic divide Borders represent increasingly dynamic aspects of the political, economic and social landscape (Beck, 2008). In Western Europe generally, their role is changing from that of being a divider of societies to becoming a focal point for inter-jurisdictional, inter-governmental and inter-community collaboration. Yet, borders are, first and foremost, physical barriers that represent the

in Spacing Ireland
Open Access (free)

the economism and determinism of orthodox accounts have tended to focus on restoring agency to explanations of globalisation. Globalisation is represented as a project that is driven by the conscious political actions of identifiable individual and collective agents. In contrast to the globalist emphasis on technological and economic process, here we have globalisation as either promoted or resisted by governments within distinctive national capitalisms (Hirst and Thompson, 1996; Weiss, 1998), by a transnational class with common interests in a neo-liberal global

in Globalisation contested

advanced by Melucci (1994, 1996), Castells (1996), Tarrow (1998a), and Della Porta and Diani (1999), enable a greater depth of analysis of the actions of diverse social movement participants. They facilitate consideration of all the components (and their related aims) of the environmental scene, from those involved in ‘counter-culture’, to NGOs which aim to have their views represented in government policy. All levels of action (personal, cultural and political) need to be examined in order to understand fully the processes that yield the tangible products of social

in Cyberprotest
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Holloway 2001). The politics of cyberspace is of importance both for the future use of computer-mediated communication1 (CMC) and within traditional political arenas, commerce and society itself. As illustrated with the J18 protests, the incorporation by political activists of CMC within their repertoire will 2 Cyberprotest influence not only their own campaigning abilities, but the responses required by governments and security forces. Technological changes in communication have long been recognised as important to the development of cohesion between dispersed

in Cyberprotest
The restructuring of work in Germany

Deutschland’ in the globalisation debate In chapter 3 I argued that so-called ‘models’ of national capitalism are less coherent and more contradictory than they are commonly presented. In short, a ‘model’ of capitalism is imagined, produced and reproduced over time, enabling certain claims to be made about the nature of social reality, while impeding others. Drawing on a number of studies using Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, it was argued that governmental interventions (in our terms, programmes of restructuring) rely and rest upon the making of specific

in Globalisation contested
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-provision. Informal settlements are generally collectively built, with complex networks and markets for providing building materials. They too engage larger reliance systems for energy and communication, for food provision, for water and sanitation. 2 In short, people do not self-provision the reliance systems that give us our capacities. Reliance systems are instead collectively provisioned. By collective we don’t mean communal, or state-run, or any particular institutional form. You may be provisioned by your neighbour, your tribe, your local or national government

in The spatial contract