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A history of the US consular service

This book reconstructs American consular activity in Ireland from 1790 to 1913 and elucidates the interconnectedness of America's foreign interests, Irish nationalism and British imperialism. Its originality lies in that it is based on an interrogation of American, British and Irish archives, and covers over one hundred years of American, Irish and British relations through the post of the American consular official while also uncovering the consul's role in seminal events such as the War of 1812, the 1845–51 Irish famine, the American Civil War, Fenianism and mass Irish emigration. The book is a history of the men who filled posts as consuls, vice consuls, deputy consuls and consular agents. It reveals their identities, how they interpreted and implemented US foreign policy, their outsider perspective on events in both Ireland and America and their contribution to the expanding transatlantic relationship.

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time be compelled to yield it back to the giver. The county towns, as an elite class of regional centres which was largely defined by about 1100, would always be seen from the point of view of royal government as means for the expression and assertion of central authority. 1 Meanwhile, a second and no less significant basis of urban rule lay in customary practices of self-regulation in the neighbourhoods which made up the town

in Towns in medieval England

10 Big government and self-government, 1940–69 Because it has become a truism it is not necessarily untrue. The evacuation from May 1940 of much of the civilian population from Gibraltar, and especially some of their uncomfortable experiences in Britain and Northern Ireland, did embitter the exiles and those still resident in Gibraltar and did provoke demands for political change.1 The apparently tardy steps being taken by the British authorities to organise repatriation seemed to expose the limited political influence that Gibraltar civilians had over their own

in Community and identity

persuasion would each play a vital part. These concerns were not confined to the subcontinent. Public opinion played a crucial part in all the theatres of war. Waged in the context of a mass media, it was a ‘total’ war fought simultaneously on military, economic and ideological fronts. These years witnessed the birth of official propaganda in Britain. The government discerned the

in Reporting the Raj
C. E. Beneš

Here follows part six , which discusses the secular government of the city of Genoa. This part has three chapters: the first recounts how the city of Genoa has been governed by a variety of regimes. The second explains that it is safer to be ruled by one than by the many , unless that many is united for good. The third details the danger that arises

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
Convict transportation and colonial independence

of the conviction and the severity of the sentence, Catholic chaplain William Hall repeatedly sought clemency. Surely, Hall appealed to the colonial government, it was always better ‘that twenty guilty escape than one innocent man be sacrificed’. 2 Lyons’s fate had been all but sealed, however, by the arrival of a despatch from London shortly before his trial announcing the summary dismissal of

in Gender, crime and empire

8 In government, 1940–47 When Churchill’s wartime coalition formed in May 1940, Wilkinson became a junior minister: first as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Pensions and then in October 1940 as Parliamentary Secretary to Morrison who was the Minister of Home Security and the Home Secretary.1 The 1945 election interlude apart, she remained in government until her death in 1947. This transformed her relationship with the movements. Her time on the NEC and during the 1929–31 Labour government acted as precedents for this transformation. Yet, this was

in ‘Red Ellen’ Wilkinson

3 Government and politics, 1704–1819 It has been established already that the military conquest of 1704 was followed by failure and frustration. The occupation of Gibraltar in the name of ‘King Charles III’ was not the prelude, as expected, to his triumphant enthronement in Madrid. As a result, and consequent upon partition and the containment of allied troops behind the walls of a fortified town at the south end of an isthmus on the tip of southern Europe, the problem arose as to who would thereafter govern Gibraltar, and how. Those challenging questions were

in Community and identity

Chapter 4 . Allegiance and government, 1643–60 A s we have seen, the 1640s and 1650s saw the state’s appropriation of the physical and symbolic spaces and buildings of Westminster. But Westminster was more than an agglomeration of nationally important edifices. It was one of the most populous towns in the country, but also one of the most idiosyncratic in its institutions and structures of government, with no lord mayor or institutions with overall executive authority or law-making powers. Various institutions played a role in the government of the town, such

in Westminster 1640–60
American foreign policy and Irish nationalism, 1865–70

believed they had changed from being an ‘untrained peasant’ to becoming a ‘disciplined warrior’ and, thus, were even better prepared to fight for the cause. Consul William West had reported from Dublin in spring 1864 that Fenians were ready for action which made the British government ‘nervous’.3 However, the movement was weakened by disagreement * NARA, D/S, USD,6, 6, T199, Second series, M. W. Fitzgerald to West, 21 January 1868. 1 Ibid., USC, 8, 8, T196, Brooks to Evarts, 3 March 1881. 2 Wallace and Gillespie (eds), The journal of Benjamin Moran, 1857–65, 1

in American government in Ireland, 1790–1913