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(ACS) approach as broadly republican, concerned with individual and collective self-government by those who have a stake in the polity's future because of the circumstances of their lives. “Citizens are stakeholders in a democratic political community insofar as their autonomy and well-being depend not only on being recognized as a member in a particular polity, but also on that polity being governed democratically” (p. 41). Thus the essay

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)

by governments that have been democratically authorized by their citizens. Just as a legislature needs to be exposed to the articulation and mobilization of interests inside its territorial jurisdiction before it can legitimately adopt a law that affects such interests, so it must expose itself also to external interests when adopting a policy that affects these. I suggest some institutional remedies for this problem that could help to mitigate it within

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship

boundaries have come up and had to be addressed by courts, legislators or by citizens in the election booth: the massive global trend of extending voting rights to citizens living abroad and a comparatively weaker European and Latin American pattern of letting non-citizen residents vote in local elections; an ongoing standoff between the European Court of Human Rights and the British government about the exclusion of criminal offenders from voting

in Democratic inclusion
Some questions for Rainer Bauböck

engaged in the important task of collective self-government. Despite its many virtues, this essay also leaves me puzzled in some important respects. In my response to Bauböck, I propose to ask a series of questions about what he is trying to accomplish and about how the different parts of his discussion fit together. I recognize that he will not be able to answer all of these questions in his reply, but my hope is that he will

in Democratic inclusion

, 1983 : 82). Lewis recognises frontier traits of rough democratic forms of government, hard drinking and rudimentary political structures as applicable to such locations as Yucatan logwood settlements of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. However, these forms, he argues, had disappeared by the late eighteenth century, overwhelmed by repressive and authoritarian slave society. For Lewis, then, Turner’s attention to the

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Abstract only
Democratic state, capitalist society, or dysfunctional differentiation?

historical modalities of differentiation in their turn have a major impact on what are considered to be viable and less viable models of statehood. Emphasis has been placed on continuity rather than rupture in this regard. Social systems have been in existence as long as there have been human societies. They have been managed, to greater and lesser extents, by a wide variety of power structures operative within diverse forms of statehood. Politically constituted modern states had to perform and continue to perform the numerous governmental tasks bound up with strategies to

in Critical theory and sociological theory
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working as seamen on ocean-going bulk transport ships registered in Liberia or Panama. Until the late twentieth century neglect and degradation have been the historical experiences of each tiny populated Grenadine island. This neglect took the form of a lack of basic amenities as a result of mainland uninterest from successive Government administrations, both colonial and postcolonial. The island of Canouan

in Frontiers of the Caribbean

imagine how hypermobile populations could be citizens of the territorial polity who authorize the government that issues and implements the laws to which they are subjected. If there is a relatively sedentary core population, then immigrants can integrate into the society while emigrants can remain connected to it across borders. Where there is no such core, it will be difficult to generate among territorial populations

in Democratic inclusion

with Adorno, from ethics we get politics; not a political morality but perhaps a certain political ‘attitude’ or style; and not the completely miserable one that might perhaps be expected from some accounts.1 1 Integral to the understanding of Foucault offered here has been the work of Graham Burchell and Colin Gordon. Apologies are due to both for the ways in which their work is used here in the context of cultural theory. See, amongst various contributions, G. Burchell, ‘Liberal government and techniques of self’ in A. Barry, T. Osborne & N. Rose, eds, Foucault and

in The structure of modern cultural theory

practices constituted a nightmare for both colonial and postcolonial governments. The slow death of the St Vincent sugar industry during the nineteenth century created conditions so desperate for the mass of the rural workforce that by the end of the century, State acquisition of land for small farmers was officially recommended. This process was begun in 1899. However, the beginnings of land settlement brought to

in Frontiers of the Caribbean