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used their identity as women religious to develop a model of womanhood that wielded significant authority while negotiating normative expectations. Forms of government The authority of simple-vowed women religious was a function of their relationship to the Roman Catholic Church and was mediated through a legitimated congregation.12 The legitimation of a new religious institute began with the approbation of the bishop. His support and encouragement 11 Lynn Jarrell, OSU, The Development of Legal Structures for Women Religious between 1500 and 1900: A Study of

in Contested identities
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professional organisations.14 Historians in their definition of a profession generally include four basic attributes. First, professions require a formalised training process and tests of proficiency that denote a ‘special competence’ which, secondly, sets professions apart from occupations and offers social prestige to professionals. Thirdly, professional services to others are regulated by professional associations and/or governmental bodies which, fourthly, limit entry into the professions.15 Commentators in the nineteenth century defined a profession in somewhat fluid

in Contested identities
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Changing ministries

, participation and structural change. 49 From the 1950s, new organisations joined the voluntary sector: campaigning bodies whose focus was to critique and improve public policies, entities that aided constituents navigating the statutory sector, groups supporting those overlooked by government services and overseas development organisations. Older philanthropies rethought their processes and objectives. 50 The informal sector saw a resurgence of self-help and community activity. 51 Conservative government (1979–1990) cuts to welfare programmes also bolstered the activities

in Catholic nuns and sisters in a secular age
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the Catholic faith. The influence, authority and role of the Catholic Church in shaping Irish Catholic consciousness are, therefore, paramount as a template for understanding Ireland and the Irish historically.9 Early twentieth-century observers agreed. ‘Ireland’, asserted the Jesuit W. J. Lockington in 1920, ‘is Ireland because of her Catholicity’.10 The 4 irish women government of the new Irish state in the 1930s famously modelled its Constitution on Catholic doctrine and specifically recognised the ‘­special position’ of the Catholic Church ‘as the guardian

in Irish women and the creation of modern Catholicism, 1850–1950
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6 7 Edward R. Norman, The English Catholic Church in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 2. Robert J. Klaus, The Pope, the Protestants, and the Irish: Papal Aggression and Anti-Catholicism in Mid-Nineteenth Century England (London: Garland Publishing, 1987), p. 228. On 29 September 1850, Pope Pius IX reestablished the English Catholic hierarchy, a canonical form of church government which included a hierarchy of bishops who had episcopal authority over clergy and laity. Frank H. Wallis, Popular Anti-Catholicism in Mid

in Contested identities

Ward; training; interior life and the apostolate; the vows; relationships with God; ceremonies; and the government of the institute. The first two questions required sisters to question the future of religious life: Do you believe that there is a future for religious institutes, contemplative and active, in their existing form? – Why? Do you think that Secular Institutes and the lay apostolate will take the place of religious communities? – Why? 38 Subsequent questions caused sisters to interrogate the very foundation and understanding of their vocation and

in Catholic nuns and sisters in a secular age

government of the nation and churches across the land. After the clerical order, it remains for us to consider the military order, because we argue in our discussion of the privileges of the church that a man is bound by law to be subject to his king to an equivalent or even greater degree than a monk is bound to be subject to an abbot. 26 But this also enhances our understanding of the Scriptures, and our observation of the Christian religion. In accordance with my earlier declaration, I should now describe the office of the king in accordance

in John Wyclif

, settlement houses, freemason groups, millenarian sects and trade unions.15 It represented a commitment to structure, order, obedience and loyalty; these were familiar themes of the family discourse. Congregations used the family metaphor, so prevalent in Victorian culture, to develop a corporate identity and mould behaviour and attitudes. Despite the frequent use of the family metaphor, the congregation was a corporate entity, replete with various elements of government: an elected superior, an advising body of administrators and published constitutions. The congregation

in Contested identities
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directly from Ireland; another seventy-six convents were founded by the original fourteen and their progeny by 1900. This remarkable pattern of expansion may reflect the popularity among bishops of their decentralised government structure.25 Table 7.2 reveals another aspect of ethnicity: Irish-born women were a dominant presence in convents in England. In the sample of ten congregations, forty-one per cent were Irish-born compared with forty-six per cent who were English-born. The immediate question that arises, one unfortunately inadequately answered by extant sources

in Contested identities

the ideal of the Irish Catholic woman. She stayed out of the public sphere yet educated her children to be patriots. She was, above all, a mother who had focused her attentions on her sons. Sacrificial, she willingly gave her children to the cause. And the young Pearses, of course, wore their mother’s influence well, martyring themselves for the nation.36 Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, the Irish government also passed legislation that limited women’s roles outside the home. Women were restricted from serving on juries and, beginning in 1932, upon marrying, Irish

in Irish women and the creation of modern Catholicism, 1850–1950