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barons were championing the cause of baronial rights and the limitation of kingship, the keeping of the kingdom was delivered into the hands of the aristocracy. The regency government set up to rule in the young Henry III’s name was one largely composed of the late king’s most loyal magnates, who, like Walter de Lacy, would not have been strangers to the excesses of John and his immediate predecessors. The royalist barons’ loyalty was not entirely disinterested, and they soon set about limiting English kingship through the several reissues of Magna Carta that followed

in Lordship in four realms

provided practical service to the king should remain in the kingdom: all others should leave. In 1253 this was followed up with draconian legislation limiting the Jews to the towns where they already had recognised communities. A year later, faced with crippling fiscal demands, the leaders of the Jews in England actually requested that they be released from their obligations and be allowed to leave the country. Henry III’s government refused, and in the 1270s the crown again attempted a programme of enforced conversion and integration. Eventually, in 1287, Edward I set

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550

specific information may be required. The problem becomes that of finding any solid evidence to support an estimation of the quantity of Hincmar’s influence; this is primarily because it is not possible to isolate occasions when Hincmar was a primary or unique influence on Louis’s governmental policy. There are several reasons for this: first, it is difficult to separate Hincmar’s role as a political adviser to the king from his position as archbishop of Rheims. Second, it may not be possible to differentiate Hincmar’s contribution from the pressure of other powerful

in Hincmar of Rheims

The fiscal alien: who paid the alien subsidy? Before we discuss in detail what the alien subsidy returns can tell us about the overall numbers and distribution of the alien population in late medieval England, we need to consider the detailed specifications of the tax grants, the ways in which those charged with administering the tax went about identifying their target population, and how this affected the quantity and quality of the information that they returned to the central government. Aliens had long paid taxes in England before 1440. The main type of

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550

Flemings (10 per cent) and 268 Scots (12 per cent). 21 The mists only dissipate again when we reach the campaign by Henry VIII’s government in the early 1540s to get all French people living in England to take out new letters patent of denization. Of the 2,665 people listed in the Westminster Abbey denization roll, 2,123 had identifiable national origins. 1,976 of these were French: more precisely, 1,040 described as Normans, 639 as French, 176 as Bretons, eighty-five as Picards and thirty-six as Gascons. 22 Given that this sample is largely restricted to aliens living

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
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king of France’, including those in the household of the queen, would be sent out of the realm; and since Queen Isabella was herself the sister of the king of France, Edward II’s government actually seized all her landed property in England – albeit compensating her immediately with a cash income. 38 Later, under Henry IV and Henry V, a cluster of factors – rebellion in Wales, the presence of the king of Scotland in England as a prisoner of war, the reopening of hostilities with France and the Breton connections of Henry IV’s second wife

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
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the authenticity of the supposed royal mandate promising the division of Leinster among its conquerors, the king and his advisers authorised the Irish magnates to make war on the Marshal. Such 279 conclusion ­ evolution of authority was not unique to Ireland. During the civil war d from 1215 to 1217, Walter de Lacy was elevated by King John to a position of great power in Herefordshire and the central Welsh march in order to secure the region for the Crown. The minority of Henry III saw Walter’s commission extended, and forced the royal government to negotiate with

in Lordship in four realms

7 The dangers of transnational lordship: 1222–41 T he reign of King John cast a long shadow. His rule provided the context, and his administrative appointees the personnel, for his son’s Minority government. It was also in this later period that some of his policies began to bear fruit. As argued in Chapter 4, King John’s removal of John de Courcy and promotion of Hugh de Lacy as earl of Ulster in 1205 seem to have been done to counterbalance Earl William Marshal’s control of the southern Irish Sea littoral. The elder Marshal’s good relations with the Lacys at

in Lordship in four realms

’s inheritance of the title of king of France in 1422, however, some ambiguity emerged. 27 Inhabitants of Calais – especially those of mixed parentage or who had not been born there – could be subjected to significant scrutiny when they crossed to England. Ingelram Slumpart, who had been born in Calais to a Picard father and a Flemish mother, realised the precariousness of his position on moving across the Channel, and swore allegiance to the English crown in 1432. 28 In 1512 Henry VIII’s government attempted to make sense of the complicated position by ordaining that the

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550
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Nationalism, racism and xenophobia

The later medieval state created the alien as a social category in England. As we detailed in chapters 2 and 3 , it was the application of new laws concerning the rights of aliens and the development of special taxes on people born outside the realm that established, for the first time, a formal framework for the regulation of foreigners at a national level. In the process, as we saw in chapters 4 and 5 , the agents of local government applied labels to foreigners living in their midst in such a way as to define nationality more

in Immigrant England, 1300–1550