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A tale of two traumas

Celtic Tiger and the influence of the Irish Catholic Church had found a similar role in Irish people’s psyches, and that, when these assumptions were experienced as false, the response was similar to people experiencing trauma. The economy John Horgan, in the final paragraph of his biography of Mary Robinson, President of Ireland from 1990 to 1997, wrote: Ireland is no longer the picturesque backwater beloved of Hollywood, or the supplicant with a begging bowl at the door of its richer European neighbours. It is a country where economic growth is increasing at an

in From prosperity to austerity
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that many. Dermot Keogh’s ‘Ireland, the Vatican and the Cold War: The Case of Italy, 1948’7 gives an in-depth insight on how the Irish Catholic Church and government made their contribution in helping the Christian Democrats to defeat the Communists during the Italian general election. Bernadette Whelan’s authoritative study Ireland and the Marshall Plan, 1947–57 relates how Ireland benefited from and responded to Washington’s plan to assist Western Europe in its economic recovery and avoid the spreading of Communism.8 In A Diplomatic History of Ireland 1948–49: The

in East German intelligence and Ireland, 1949–90
Catholic human rights discourse in Northern Ireland in the 1980s

sought to foster the integration of the Catholic community into it while challenging the government to create a more equal, just, and open society. The Northern Irish Catholic Church argued that such changes could only be achieved through dialogue with the government, which it was hoped would result in human rights being developed to the levels outlined in Pacem in Terris. The Catholic Church in Northern Ireland, mainly through the writings of Daly, argued that the British Government had failed the people of Northern Ireland through its abuse of human rights. It had

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland

demands concerning the conditions of their captivity. These concerned issues such as the prisoners’ right to wear their own clothing and freedom of association. The Irish government viewed these lesser 07_Hume_115-136 116 12/4/10 9:56 Page 116 John Hume demands in humanitarian terms, and felt that they offered room for compromise. But true to her reputation, Thatcher refused to grant any concessions made under duress.4 As the death toll increased, this approach caused disbelief amongst nationalists, with even the head of the Irish Catholic Church, Cardinal Tomás

in John Hume and the revision of Irish nationalism
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court case that mentioned Artane should not be used’. While Quinn now believed that journalists ‘should have tried harder to find out the real truth’, he felt that they ‘would not have been believed and managements and editors would never have held out against a massed attack by the all-​powerful Irish Catholic Church’. There was also, he observed, the issue of ignorance: ‘that the Christian Brothers were indulging their passion for sexual abuse on their captive boys’ was something that would never have occurred to Quinn or his colleagues. But while journalists of the

in The Fourth Estate

dominated public life in this country’ (Dáil 258: 593–4). Another constituency was less concerned with economic sovereignty than with the social and cultural implications. They perceived the European secular/liberal tradition as the very epitome of that which they feared for Ireland. Oliver J. Flanagan, again speaking on the government’s White Paper on EC membership insisted that the Irish Catholic Church was asleep in the face of this European threat and warned that ‘to be brought into line with European legislation, we must introduce divorce’. He went on to argue that

in Global citizen and European Republic

, very confidential file 16/02/1973 16/02/1973 West German foreign   policy; assessment of   Ireland, CatholicChurch n/a n/a Registration number of   source XV/15905/60 SE7301020 HVA-I [Dept. of   Intelligence re West   German State] 16 n/a n/a Object-indication Note Source: BStU, Berlin Information Service of   West German Foreign  Office 13 Title Number Pigeon House Ireland Sent to power station  construction n/a 14 Table 3.8  (Continued) The first ministerial   Council of the   enlarged EC and the   differences that have   appeared re the future

in East German intelligence and Ireland, 1949–90

characteristics, its sympathies and antipathies, its notions of things, its line of conduct, and so on; and all these things go to make up what is called the national character of a people’.68 For Burke and his contemporaries in the Irish Catholic Church, Irishness was defined as membership of the Catholic faith which accepted a Catholic mindset. The corollary of this nationally circumscribed Catholicism was a political culture which embraced authoritarian authority, hierarchical values and deferent conservatism. In the wake of the ‘Devotional Revolution’ in the late nineteenth

in Political corruption in Ireland, 1922–2010