Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 10 items for :

  • "Irish Catholicism" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
A tale of two traumas
Brendan Geary

. Fairness is important and children develop a belief that if you keep God’s rules (don’t sin) you will be rewarded. Some people remain at this stage throughout their lives. A lot of traditional Irish Catholicism was rule-­based; moral behaviour was strongly related to adherence to Church discipline, especially in the area of sexual morality. Fowler suggests that most people reach Stage 3, which he calls Synthetic–Conventional faith. It is non-­analytical – therefore synthetic – and is characterized by conformity – therefore conventional, and this is achieved in

in From prosperity to austerity
The Catholic Church during the Celtic Tiger Years
Eamon Maher

1 Crisis, what crisis? The Catholic Church during the Celtic Tiger years Eamon Maher Any book purporting to offer a socio-­cultural critique of the Celtic Tiger cannot fail to deal with the thorny issue of Irish Catholicism. There is a commonly held belief that the Celtic Tiger hastened a wave of aggressive secularism that proved fatal to the hallowed status of organized religion in Ireland, and particularly to the majority faith, Roman Catholicism. However, such a perspective fails to recognize the steady decline in vocations to the priesthood from the beginning

in From prosperity to austerity
Catherine Maignant

Catholicism, the majority religion in Ireland, this particularly impacted on obedience, as is evidenced by the contrast between the proportion of people who identify as Catholics and those who trust the Church and respect its moral dictates. The pick and choose or à la carte attitude has become the norm, particularly in the area of tolerance and sexual morality. The sacralization of the body, and the ‘feel-­good’ ideal, have replaced the shame and guilt which were the trademark of Irish Catholicism since the nineteenth century. Self-­denial has been replaced by self

in From prosperity to austerity
Elaine A. Byrne

destroy the roots of family life and any semblance of moral decency. Archbishop John Charles McQuaid’s 1967 Lenten Regulations for the Dublin Diocese included the missive: ‘Parents have the serious duty to be vigilant and to supervise the use by their children, especially their adolescent children, of the modern means of communication: books, magazines, press, radio, television, stage and cinema’.71 Cold suspicion of critical reflection and foreign influence distinguished traditional Irish Catholicism with narrow-minded, anti-intellectual and morally rigorist Political

in Political corruption in Ireland, 1922–2010
Catholic human rights discourse in Northern Ireland in the 1980s
Maria Power

and views on the conflict in Northern Ireland which were sought by the Vatican.’ See D. O’Hagan, ‘Allies or antagonists? Irish Catholicism and Irish Republicanism during the 1980s’ (PhD dissertation, Queen’s University, Belfast, 1998). 46 The acceptance of the Northern Ireland state by the Catholic Church goes back to the 1920s, when Cardinal O’Donnell, Archbishop of Armagh, argued that Catholics must work for the general good of the community in that jurisdiction. See P. Donnelly, ‘Political identity in Northern Ireland: An issue for Catholic theology’, Studies

in Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland
Abstract only
James Mitchell

than the memory of wounds (Milosz 1980: 20). Collective memories and interpretations of the past have been more important in recent history than the institutional arrangements themselves. Whereas Scotland was allowed to retain its own church, Irish Catholicism after the Reformation was seen as disloyal and even a threat to London. Land ownership became enmeshed in the troubled relations. The minority who identified with London did so on the basis of religion or rights granted by London rather than geography. In the twentieth century, however, a territorial dimension

in Devolution in the UK
Brian Marren

Liverpool and its Scouse inhabitants were somehow different from a typical vision of northern working-class existence, not better or worse, merely ‘different’. Belchem’s research, while dealing with an earlier period than that of this study, develops further convincing arguments that it was the Irish diaspora following the mid-nineteenth-century famine which gave Liverpool its unique character and its sense of ‘us versus the rest’ parochialism. He posits that it was the overwhelming shadow of Irish Catholicism that made Liverpool different from Britain’s other maritime

in We shall not be moved
Mark O’Brien

to sustain a bias instead of being allowed to mould ideas afresh’.70 Similarly, John Horgan considered it ‘astonishing, and frustrating, to discover that all the theological, historical and liturgical   123 The impact of television 123 richness to which we had been exposed in Rome, and which had left an indelible mark on all those who experienced it, had only touched the fringes of Irish Catholicism’.71 At its most public, such orthodoxy was represented by McQuaid’s remark on his return to Dublin that while the faithful may ‘have been disturbed at times by

in The Fourth Estate
Brian Hanley

and the Angelus on the national radio, and Radio Eireann itself … This was the public value system which was restraining the latent violence in our nation.161 Fennell suggested that ‘the two pillars of this system of civil values were Irish Catholicism and Sinn Féin nationalism – that remarkable synthesis of all the elements in Irish nationalism which was achieved between 1916 and 1921’.162 Now, Fennell saw the same forces that favoured liberalization as intent on undermining nationality. Despite his desire to include Ulster Protestants in a new Ireland, he

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79
Brian Marren

backwardness  – I  mean nobody wants to pay rates, nobody wants to pay tax, but who’s going to maintain the infrastructure?20 While the Liberal–Conservative coalitions were leading the council, the local Labour Party was beginning to transform itself from a largely reactionary bastion of blue-collar, Irish-Catholicism to a party led by younger, better educated activists with a more left-wing outlook. The new generation of local Labour leaders sought to broaden the party’s base beyond trade unionists and advocated a far more radical agenda in order to combat the lingering

in We shall not be moved