Covert racism and affect in the United States post-9/11

‘I am the least racist person,’ Donald Trump declared. This book unpacks how it is possible for various American administrations to impose discriminatory counterterrorism (CT) and countering violent extremism (CVE) measures on Muslim communities and yet declare that ‘Islam is peace’ or that ‘Muslims are our friends’. The book addresses some of the paradoxes of the securitisation by linking discourses about the role of Muslims in the war on terror in the United States with covert forms of racism. The book is concerned with a securitisation that is covertly rather than overtly expressed, which enables securitising actors like Trump to deny plausibility of racism and claim that they are ‘the least racist person’. The book offers a critique of the ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ approaches to CT and CVE and advances an alternative way to understand radicalisation and terrorism by introducing a quantum perspective. Lastly, drawing on the affective turn, the book adds body to the analysis by theorising emotions and affect in the securitisation of Islam. The book argues that this covert securitisation constructs white American subjects as innocent, unprejudiced and living in a post-racial society averse to racism, whilst constructing Muslim subjects as potential terrorists and thus as sites of securitisation. This book is a timely analysis of the securitisation of Islam since 9/11 and presents an original study that contributes to debates on Islamophobia, white fragility and white victimhood, which have proliferated since the rise of far-right (populist) parties in Europe and the US.

This book retraces the human and intellectual development that has led the author to one very firm conviction: that the tensions that afflict the Western world’s relationship with the Muslim world are at their root political, far more than they are ideological. It aims to limit itself to a precise scholarly arena: recounting, as meticulously as possible, the most striking interactions between a personal life history and professional and research trajectories. This path has consistently centered on how the rise of political Islam has been expressed: first in the Arab world, then in its interactions with French and Western societies, and finally in its interactions with other European and Western societies. It brings up-to-date theses formulated in the 2000s, in particular in the author’s previous book Islamism in the Shadow of al-Qaeda (2005, 2nd ed. 2010, English ed. 2010), by measuring them up against the lessons of the powerful revolutionary dynamics set off by the “Arab Spring” of 2011, followed by the counter-revolutionary ones.

A leap of faith
Author: Ali Riaz

The tendency among ethnic minority Muslim immigrant communities in Europe towards identification with Islam as a marker of identity is discussed in an array of studies, but seldom have they explained sufficiently how the change took place. Islam and Identity Politics among British-Bangladeshis: A Leap of Faith probes the causes of and conditions for the preference of the members of the British-Bangladeshi community for a religion-based identity vis-à-vis ethnicity-based identity, and the influence of Islamists in shaping the discourse. It also examines whether this salience of Muslim identity is a precursor to a new variant of diasporic Islam. Islam and Identity Politics delves into the micro-level dynamics, the internal and external factors and the role of the state and locates these within the broad framework of Muslim identity and Islamism, citizenship and the future of multiculturalism in Europe.

Clara Eroukhmanoff

not claim that Islam is a threat, in the same way using the word ‘hope’ prevented Trump from being accused of curtailing the Flynn investigation. This chapter offers an innovative twist to securitisation theory by introducing the notion of indirect securitising speech acts. It also speaks to everyday racism by exploring indirect securitising language – here, of minorities – as a type of everyday racism that is covert. This is an important task, for indirect securitisation and hate speech can go on unabated and unpunished because actors who

in The securitisation of Islam
Author: Nadia Kiwan

Through its focus on secular Muslim public intellectuals in contemporary France, this book challenges polarizing accounts of Islam and Muslims, which have been ubiquitous in political and media debates for the last thirty years. The work of these intellectuals is significant because it expresses, in diverse ways, an ‘internal’ vision of Islam that demonstrates how Muslim identification and practices successfully engage with and are part of a culture of secularism (laïcité). The study of individual secular Muslim intellectuals in contemporary France thus gives credence to the claim that the categories of religion and the secular are more closely intertwined than we might assume. This monograph is a timely publication that makes a crucial contribution to academic and political debates about the place of Islam and Muslims in contemporary France. The book will focus on a discursive and contextualised analysis of the published works and public interventions of Abdelwahab Meddeb, Malek Chebel, Leïla Babès, Dounia Bouzar and Abdennour Bidar – intellectuals who have received little scholarly attention despite being well-known figures in France.

The internal factors
Ali Riaz

3 Identity, Islamism and politics: the internal factors A nalytical and ethnographic studies about the British-Bangladeshi community conducted around the turn of the twentieth century1 and the events described in Chapter 2 demonstrate that a Muslim identity has gained salience among a section of British-Bangladeshis, especially the younger generation. ‘More and more young Bengalis now identify themselves first and foremost as Muslims rather than as Bengali or Bangladeshi,’ concluded Gardner and Shukur in 1994.2 Until the late 1980s, the Bengali ethnic identity

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
The state as actor
Ali Riaz

4 Identity, Islamism and politics: the state as actor T he state plays a pivotal, perhaps the central role, in ethnic identity politics, and this is truer for welfare states like Britain. Whilst the members of the ethnic community, especially their leaders, define the parameters of the group identity, instrumentalize these features through various means and claim the representation, the state provides the legitimacy to these identities within the social and political realms. Werbner has aptly described the actions of community members and actions of the state

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis
Clara Eroukhmanoff

Chapter 1 unpacked the methodological tools to examine the securitisation of Islam post-9/11 in the US context and explored, broadly speaking, the question of language in the constitution of reality, which paved the way for applying these insights in securitisation studies. Chapter 2 examines securitisation theory from the perspective of the CS. Instead of viewing threats as objective, security from the CS perspective becomes a self-referential practice because the issue is presented as such by an elite (Buzan et

in The securitisation of Islam
François Burgat

Islam the primary focus of my research. Ineluctably, however, it came to incorporate itself to my research themes, to the point that today it is central to them—inevitably, given the phenomenon of “French jihadism.” The scholarly construction of Islamism as a research object has to my mind been inseparably tied to the representation of French Muslims by their compatriots steeped in Christian, Jewish, or agnostic religious culture. Granted, the width of the Mediterranean is incompressible. It makes the conditions in which a Muslim in France

in Understanding Political Islam
François Burgat

debates. From One Islamism to Another Gilles Kepel and Olivier Roy have enjoyed much greater media exposure than I have. The task of periodically outlining our differences has fallen upon my shoulders—since this has been the only means to assert the legitimacy of the contrarian interpretations that I have sought to defend. Kepel and Roy have enjoyed greater media exposure for two reasons: one good one—and one less so. The first is that media attention is largely driven by book promotion. Both of them have, in this

in Understanding Political Islam