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‒ even to say where they were. Food was often scarce and accommodation woefully inadequate. Conditions only began to improve once internees were moved to more permanent camps, mostly on the Isle of Man. The introduction of mass internment did not deflect MI5 from its campaign to secure the internment of prominent Communists. In July 1940, as mass internment reached its peak, it once again took up the Kuczynski case with the Home Office: ‘We presume that Jürgen Kuczynski is included in the general internment of enemy aliens.’13 But, despite the supposedly damaging

in A matter of intelligence
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British supporters of the refugees

, and with British public opinion generally, for his support of the refugees. On 16 October 1940, a report had appeared in the News Chronicle criticising the conditions in the Rushen Women’s Internment Camp on the Isle of Man,14 its source being the FGLC. The local newspaper, the Isle of Man Examiner, soon deduced that, since George Bell was the only one of the FGLC’s list of British patrons to have visited the camp, the blame for these allegations must rest with him. In a blistering attack, the Examiner accused Bell of being ‘the self-appointed champion of Nazis and

in A matter of intelligence
The Free German League of Culture

Class ‘B’. Hinze was arrested on 16 May, police swooping on his home at 31 Boundary Road, London NW8. Hinze was interned on the Isle of Man, being held in Central Promenade Camp, Douglas, but surveillance did not end there. An MI5 agent, almost certainly Claud Sykes, who visited the camp, reported: A Communist called Hinse [sic] and the notorious Colonel Kahle (GPU chief in Madrid during the Spanish Civil War, according to information I received at various times) gave a lot of trouble in the camp, according to [Martin] Sander, and everyone was relieved when they went

in A matter of intelligence

.indd 180 3/23/2009 4:12:49 PM Cross-border cooperation and institutions 181 move the Conference agenda away from the ‘nationalist complaints’ perspective. An entirely different body, the British–Irish Council (BIC) added a new dimension to Anglo-Irish cooperation introduced after the Good Friday Agreement. This was the idea of a broad representative body to provide a forum for the UK and Irish Governments, the devolved governments in Northern Ireland and Scotland and Wales together with representatives from the governments of the Isle of Man, Guernsey and Jersey

in Direct rule and the governance of Northern Ireland
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internment in the lead-up to war, heartily endorsed it in May/June 1940 and voiced strong opposition to the scale and speed of releases authorised by the Home Office from September 1940. In the meantime, they attempted to establish a network of informers in different camps on the Isle of Man in order to extend their control over the refugee population. All in all, MI5’s record in the internment crisis of 1940 represents one of its greatest failures and is among the less creditable aspects of its wartime record. Most of the political refugees were Jewish, prompting the

in A matter of intelligence
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‘unionist friendly’, comprising not just a North–South Ministerial Council, but also a British– Irish Council, with devolved administrations in the UK, the Channel Islands and Isle of Man all represented.20 This was a more acceptable settlement for unionists than either Sunningdale or the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, the latter having given the Republic a consultative role in Northern Ireland’s affairs, without unionist consent.21 The Belfast Agreement also included aspects which republicans insisted on, which were not part of the Sunningdale package. These included

in Template for peace

Office. These concerned the financial arrangements between the UK, the Isle of Man and the Channel Islands. An FCO official had no doubt why these requests were made. It did ‘not require a great leap of the imagination to see the answers to these questions being incorporated in Irish thinking about the viability of an independent Northern Ireland’. The official speculated, correctly, that the reason for this thinking was that the Irish could not accept the repeated British assurances that no withdrawal of troops would take place as long as the security situation

in Template for peace

enjoys at the Home Office owing to her friendship with Mr Cooper. Though she is in every way undesirable on account of her activities in this country, all our warnings regarding her have been persistently disregarded.39 It must have been especially galling for MI5 that Eva Kolmer, who had already been permitted to visit Seaton Camp at the beginning of 1940 in her capacity as a refugee official, was granted leave to visit the Isle of Man internment camps at the end of the year. All that the Security Service could do was to step up surveillance of her movements there.40

in A matter of intelligence
The case of Klaus Fuchs

Edinburgh with the enthusiastic support of Max Born. In July 1939, he applied for British naturalisation, but war broke out before his application could be considered. By then Fuchs had been recognised as a theoretical physicist of great potential; he had also become an ‘enemy alien’. Appearing before an internment tribunal on 2 November 1939, Fuchs was placed in category ‘C’ and exempted from internment. However, on 12 May 1940 he was arrested as part of the internment of aliens in protected areas (a prelude to mass internment) and held on the Isle of Man before being

in A matter of intelligence
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insurance companies registered in a friendly tax haven (Haufler 1997a:  103; Haufler 1997b). Since about the mid-1970s, new competition in the tax haven game has come from various places, mostly in Europe. Some, like the Channel Finance and crime 133 Islands, the Isle of Man, Monaco, Andorra or Liechtenstein, were the result of historical accident. But others have been deliberately developed by governments. Three new tax havens  – Malta, Gibraltar and Cyprus – are all former British naval and air bases which once provided necessary services to the Royal Navy. As times

in Mad Money