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The politics of homeless resistance
Sean Parson

one-term mayor. This chapter details Food Not Bombs’ resistance to Frank Jordan’s Matrix program, paying special attention to the daily meal services and the group’s public occupation of UN Plaza during the 50th anniversary for the United Nations. Before detailing the history of resistance, we will first delve into an important theoretical discussion of what Food Not Bombs did, focusing on how, according to Jacques Rancière, they engaged in politics, and how, following Eduardo Glissant, they embraced a right to opacity and 84 COOKING UP A REVOLUTION weaponized

in Cooking up a revolution
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Out-marching exclusion and hatred
Jimia Boutouba

. (Jacques Rancière) In November 2013 Moroccan-Belgian filmmaker Nabil Ben Yadir released his second feature film, La Marche, to commemorate the thirtieth anniversary Out-marching exclusion and hatred  117 of the first national anti-racist movement in France. The six-week march was a historical touchstone event that mobilized over 100,000 demonstrators. It was described as France’s equivalent of America’s civil rights protests, a 500-mile march from Marseille to Paris, intended to awaken France to State racism, violence, and rampant discriminatory practices in its midst

in Reimagining North African Immigration
Selina Todd

C u lt u r e i n M a n c h e s t e r useful.15 However, this allows little scope for working-class resistance, which in MaD’s case took the form of seeking to create an alternative and oppositional cultural space. As we shall see later in this essay, MaD’s actions support Jacques Rancière’s conclusion that working-class actors can exercise a degree of autonomy and resistance within the cultural sphere, albeit within strict limits.16 I came to understand that any class analysis must interrogate those who hold power as well as those who lack it. Unfortunately, time

in Culture in Manchester
On essence and deconstruction
Gabriel Feltran

interpositioning of the most diverse of contents – sexuality and madness, for example – that Jacques Rancière identifies in Michel Foucault’s ‘dispositif’ [apparatus] (1976), is in close dialogue with the formal sociology as suggested by Georg Simmel (2010a [1918], p1): Man’s position in the world is defined by the fact he constantly finds himself between two boundaries in every dimension of his being and behaviour. This condition appears as the formal structure of our existence, filled as it always is with different contents in life’s diverse provinces, activities and destinies

in The entangled city
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Véronique Machelidon and Patrick Saveau

transforms the story of the long journey through France’s hinterland into a metaphor of ‘solidarity and connectedness across gender, class, race and sex divides’ and a paradigm for political intervention (p. 118). Undermining the stereotypical association banlieue–immigration–lawlessness and the French State’s systemic discrimination against immigrants from former colonies based on national amnesia, La Marche is a ‘heterogeneous text that weaves a new relationship between present and past’ and transforms France’s national historiography (p. 123). Using Jacques Rancière’s

in Reimagining North African Immigration
From sick talk to the politics of solidarity
Sean Parson

exclude them from the political and physical spaces of the city. In chapter 5, I turn to the activism and politics of anarchist homeless activists in resisting the cities’ attempts to exclude the homeless. I turn to two important political theorists to make sense of the resistance of Food Not Bombs: Jacques Rancière and Eduard Glissant. Rancière’s short piece “Ten theses on politics” provides a powerful understanding of the way that disruptive actions and resistance expand political space, while Glissant’s idea of right to opacity examines the complex relationship of

in Cooking up a revolution
Thibaut Raboin

of human rights is epitomised by Hannah Arendt’s paradox that the loss of human rights happens at the very moment that the person becomes only human, that is without citizenship, profession, identity, etc. (Balfour and Cadava, 2004: 281); or, as Jacques Rancière describes it, ‘the rights of Man are the rights of those who are only human beings, who have no more property left than the property of being human’ (2004b: 298). One of the ways to think about the spectatorship of suffering involved in the narrativisation of asylum claims follows this paradox, and proposes

in Discourses on LGBT asylum in the UK
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Derek Robbins

7 The 1970s Introduction Jacques Rancière later criticized the work of Bourdieu and Passeron of the 1960s on the grounds that their analyses had reinforced the view that ordinary people live in ‘méconnaissance’ [ignorance] of the real conditions of their existence which can be identified by a ‘Sociologist King’ in a malign tradition going back to Plato’s conception of the function of the ‘Philosopher King’.1 Perhaps himself sensing this deficiency in his earlier work, Bourdieu began in the 1970s to articulate an epistemological position which would protect the

in The Bourdieu paradigm
The boundaries of the ‘world of crime’ in São Paulo
Gabriel Feltran

distribution, according to Jacques Rancière (1995, p. 7): ‘distribution means two things: participation in a common set and, conversely, separation, distribution in instalments’. In order to study the expansion of the boundaries of ‘crime’ in São Paulo, it is therefore necessary to understand the broader social dynamics on which they are based, beyond their internal dimensions. In the first part of the chapter I argue that the emergence of a ‘world of crime’ in the peripheries of São Paulo must be understood in the context of at least three decades of crisis and dislocation

in The entangled city
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Gabriel Feltran

political terms. Concepts such as sovereignty, state authority, security and hybrid orders or governscapes are mobilised to account for empirical challenges to modern states,5 but also for our interpretations in contexts of extreme violence (Mbembe, 2003; Das, 2006a; Stepputat, 2013, 2015, 2018; Willis, 2015; Arias and Barnes, 2017; Lessing, 2017; Darke, 2018). Jacques Rancière, in his classic work La mésentente (1995), pursues a related conceptual argument. For the philosopher, the key conflict that helps us to understand contemporary politics does not occur when one

in The entangled city