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A comparative analysis of their communities in Harbin, 1898-1930
Joshua A. Fogel

a result of this newness, although there were not extraordinary levels of intermarriage and intercultural exchange, there was more in Harbin than in the other metropolises housing foreign communities in China. For those leaving the Russian empire, Harbin offered Jews an opportunity unavailable elsewhere in the lands of the Tsars: a haven relatively free from the virulent strain of antisemitism so prominent in eastern Europe at the time. The elite of the late imperial regime supported this tolerant attitude toward the Jews in

in New frontiers
Abstract only
Imperialism's new communities in East Asia, 1842-1953

In the new world order mapped out by Japanese and Western imperialism in East Asia after the mid-nineteenth century opium wars, communities of merchants and settlers took root in China and Korea. New identities were constructed, new modes of collaboration formed and new boundaries between the indigenous and foreign communities were established. This book explores two themes at the heart of the colonial process: agency and identity. The agents of British empire in China included the usual suspects: Britons from the official and military castes, as well as Iraqi Jewish merchants, Parsis and Indian Jews, Eurasians, South East Asian Chinese. The reliance of colonial regimes on local middlemen has become an essential part of any explanation of colonialism, though it is only very recently that the model has been systematically applied to Hong Kong. The Daniel Richard Caldwell affair could hardly have broken out at a more difficult time for the young and problematic British colony at Hong Kong. The book defines the ambiguous positioning of the Baghdadis vis-a-vis the British, and shows that their marginality did not represent, as a whole, a significant hindrance to their sojourn in the Shanghai foreign settlements. In Shanghai the German community recognised the leading role which the Nazi party held and which everyone, even the other foreign communities, seemed to accept. The book also looks at the aspects of their economic, social and political life that Indians led in the colony of Hong Kong and in the Chinese treaty ports.

Nehru’s preference for a partitioned India but a federal Palestine
P. R. Kumaraswamy

moral posturing facilitated by geographical distance. Having achieved independence through communal partition, he was urging the Jews and Arabs of Palestine to coexist under one political authority through accommodation and cooperation. The federal plan was not only a sign of Indian naivety regarding international diplomacy, but also a reflection of its duality; political pragmatism was confined to the subcontinent while moral eloquence was visible and useful elsewhere. The duality towards the two partitions was compounded by the uncritical adulation of the federal

in The breakup of India and Palestine
Mohamed-Ali Adraoui

ways in which the Muslim Brotherhood handled the 1947 partition of Palestine, how they organised in order to first prevent it, and then reacted to what they perceived to be a grievous political and religious attack against the rights of the Islamic ‘community/Nation’ ( al-Ummah ). The intervention of Zionist Jews as a third party in the process of decolonisation in a region that had been considered as a land of Islam for centuries undoubtedly led many to believe that the rest of the world was betraying each and every Muslim. 5

in The breakup of India and Palestine
Victor Kattan

The difference between the claims of the Muslim League and the Zionist Organisation was that the Jewish community in Palestine in 1947 was a minority in all of Palestine's subdistricts, except for the Jaffa subdistrict where Jews had a majority because it included the cities of Tel Aviv and Peta Tikva (although the port had an Arab majority), but the Jaffa subdistrict was too small to establish a viable Jewish state. 10 The Muslim populations of Punjab and Bengal, in contrast, were not only the overall majorities of

in The breakup of India and Palestine
The 1947 United Nations Special Committee on Palestine
Laura Robson

local ‘solution’ to a regional ‘problem’; it was the consequence of an emerging consensus about the nature of a modern global order, made up of identifiable nation-states and economically and militarily dominated by the imperial powers. 2 Some context is perhaps necessary here. Palestine had become a site for Zionist immigration – mainly from Poland, Romania and Russia – beginning in the late nineteenth century, as the tsarist state's persecutions of Jews increased in frequency

in The breakup of India and Palestine
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Jews, Gypsies, and Jacobites
Dana Y. Rabin

secured the passage of a private Act of Parliament; and the execution of Archibald Cameron (June 1753) a Scottish Jacobite who helped to plan the aborted Elibank Plot. The legal proceedings included: two criminal cases, involving Elizabeth Canning and Mary Squires, a Gypsy, an Act of Parliament, and a Jacobite plan for a failed rebellion. Each involved at least one person or a group defined as other: women, Gypsies, Jews, and

in Britain and its internal others, 1750–1800
Amrita Shodhan

groups led to ‘deadlock’, the term most famously used by Reginald Coupland, the Beit Professor of Colonial History at Oxford University. 3 The deadlock caused by the implacable opposing positions taken by two rival communities – Hindu and Muslim in India and Jew and Arab in Palestine – led to partition. It was assumed that partitioning the land and creating homelands for these rival groups would lead to the cessation of violence between the communities. 4

in The breakup of India and Palestine
Arie M. Dubnov

-local’ aspects of these calamities. After 1945, struggles between Jews and Palestinian Arabs in mandatory Palestine ‘had been sucked into the vortex of Big-Power rivalries’, as J. C. Hurewitz put it in his then-ground-breaking, now somewhat forgotten study. 7 It is equally important to acknowledge the fact that the challenges and unprecedented scale of the refugee crises generated by partitions in India, as well as the Middle East, landed at the doorstep of the nascent United Nations. And yet the diplomatic history that

in The breakup of India and Palestine
Institutions, policies, laws and people
Victor Kattan
and
Amit Ranjan

Palestine developed along religious lines with most of the Jewish community supporting the establishment of a Jewish national home, which was opposed by most Palestinian Christians and Muslims. Like Shodhan, Robson and Kattan draw parallels between British colonial policy and the emergence of a policy of partition. For Robson, a key moment was the decision taken early during the mandate by Samuel to suggest the establishment of a legislature based on parity with equal numbers of representatives of Christians, Muslims and Jews, even though the Jewish

in The breakup of India and Palestine