Economics as a pluralist, liberaleducation
[The purpose of universities] is not to make skilful lawyers, or physicians,
or engineers, but capable and cultivated human beings.
John Stuart Mill, 18671
The School again is not a place of technical education fitting you for one
and only one profession. It makes you better for every occupation, it does
help you get on in life … But you will lose most of the value of the School
if you regard it solely as a means of getting on in life. Regard it as a means
of learning, to
One hundred years ago the idea of ‘the economy’ didn’t exist. Now, improving ‘the economy’ has come to be seen as one of the most important tasks facing modern societies. Politics and policymaking are increasingly conducted in the language of economics and economic logic increasingly frames how political problems are defined and addressed. The result is that crucial societal functions are outsourced to economic experts. The econocracy is about how this particular way of thinking about economies and economics has come to dominate many modern societies and its damaging consequences. We have put experts in charge but those experts are not fit for purpose. A growing movement is arguing that we should redefine the relationship between society and economics. Across the world, students, the economists of the future, are rebelling against their education. From three members of this movement comes a book that tries to open up the black box of economic decision making to public scrutiny. We show how a particular form of economics has come to dominate in universities across the UK and has thus shaped our understanding of the economy. We document the weaknesses of this form of economics and how it has failed to address many important issues such as financial stability, environmental sustainability and inequality; and we set out a vision for how we can bring economic discussion and decision making back into the public sphere to ensure the societies of the future can flourish.
John McGahern is one of those writers whose work continues to be appreciated across a range of readerships. As a writer who eschewed the notion of himself as 'artist' he addressed his task through a commitment to style, what he called the 'revelation of the personality through language'. McGahern's work began to receive critical attention only from when Denis Sampson's seminal study, Outstaring Nature's Eye: The Fiction of John McGahern was published in 1993. This book focuses on the physical landscape to show how the inadequacy of the State that emerged after 1922 is reflected in the characters' shifting relationship with the landscape, the connection has been made vulnerable through trauma and painful memory. It explores this sense of resentment and disillusionment in McGahern's novels, drawing parallels between the revolutionary memories and McGahern's own family experience. McGahern's All Over Ireland offers a number of fine stories, mostly set in Ireland, and dealing with distinctly Irish themes. He wrote a novel that is an example of openness, compassion and understanding for any form of strangeness. The vision of education and of the shaping of identity found in his writing is not an idiosyncratic one - it is consistent with much of the best thought within the tradition of liberal education. The book provides an intriguing comparison between McGahern and Flannery O'Connor, illustrating how diverse stories share an underlying current of brutality, demonstrating their respective authors' preoccupation with a human propensity towards evil.
The Victorian private solider was a despised figure. Yet in the first sixteen months of the Great War two and a half million men from the UK and many more from the empire, flocked to the colours without any form of legal compulsion. This book is the result of reflection on one of the most extraordinary mass movements in history: the surge of volunteers into the British army during the first sixteen months of the Great War. The notion that compulsory service in arms was repugnant to British tradition was mistaken. The nation's general state of mind, system of values and set of attitudes derived largely from the upper middle class, which had emerged and become dominant during the nineteenth century. The book examines the phenomenon of 1914 and the views held by people of that class, since it was under their leadership that the country went to war. It discusses the general theoretical notions of the nature of war of two nineteenth-century thinkers: Karl von Clausewitz and Charles Darwin. By 1914 patriotism and imperialism were interdependent. The early Victorians directed their abundant political energies chiefly towards free trade and parliamentary reform. It was the Germans' own policy which jolted the British into unity, for the Cabinet and the nation were far from unanimously in favour of war until the Germans attacked Belgium. Upper-class intellectual culture was founded on the tradition of 'liberal education' at the greater public schools and at Oxford and Cambridge.
training courses, actors in both the medical and sporting spheres were still able to identify some practices as novel or innovative, others as old-fashioned or traditional, and yet more as scientific or mere quackery. What this chapter will go on to show is that both philosophical and physiological theories constrained and informed the construction of sports medicine; these ideas were part of the shared values and liberaleducation of a generation of middle-class men who, as doctors or amateur athletes, contributed to an understanding of the athletic body in the early
This chapter explains that the Elizabethan grammar school education, which
Spenser and Shakespeare would have received, involved learning to read Latin
texts in Latin and to engage in double translation, i.e., sophisticated
exercises in translating from Latin to English and back again. Brink surveys
the unusually liberal education that Spenser would have received at Merchant
Taylors’ School and suggests that Richard Mulcaster influenced Spenser’s
decision to write in English. Mulcaster forcefully advocated educating the
lower classes and even supported educating women. In this chapter, the
reader is introduced to the typological reading encouraged by studying
Alexander Nowell’s Catechism. The reader is shown how typological reading is
likely to have influenced Spenser’s symbolism in Book I of the Faerie
In this broad sweep, Mayo explores dominant European discourses of higher education, in the contexts of different globalisations and neoliberalism, and examines its extension to a specific region. It explores alternatives in thinking and practice including those at the grassroots, also providing a situationally grounded project of university–community engagement. Signposts for further directions for higher education lifelong learning, with a social justice purpose, are provided.
English radicalism has been a deep-rooted but minority tradition in the political culture since at least the seventeenth century. The central aim of this book is to examine, in historical and political context, a range of key events and individuals that exemplify English radicalism in the twentieth century. This analysis is preceded by defining precisely what has constituted this tradition; and by the main outline of the development of the tradition from the Civil War to the end of the nineteenth century. Three of the main currents of English radicalism in the twentieth century have been the labour movement, the women’s movement and the peace movement. These are discussed in some detail, as a framework for the detailed consideration of ten key representative figures of the tradition in the twentieth century: Bertrand Russell, Sylvia Pankhurst, Ellen Wilkinson, George Orwell, E.P. Thompson, Michael Foot, Joan Maynard, Stuart Hall, Tony Benn and Nicolas Walter. The question of ‘agency’ – of how to bring about radical change in a predominantly conservative society and culture – has been a fundamental issue for English radicals. It is argued that, in the twentieth century, many of the important achievements in progressive politics have taken place in and through extra-parliamentary movements, as well as through formal political parties and organisations – the Labour Party and other socialist organisations – and on occasion, through libertarian and anarchist politics. The final chapter considers the continuing relevance of this political tradition in the early twenty-first century, and reviews its challenges and prospects.
, as Harpham, Lloyd and Weber seem to suggest, English
literature, what is for Donoghue and F. R. Leavis at the ‘centre’ of a liberaleducation, cannot be separated from notions of tradition. In his 1969 article
‘T. S. Eliot and the Life of English Literature’, F. R. Leavis argues that the
‘university, conceived as a centre of civilization’, is the ‘only possible organ
of the creative effort society has to make’ and that ‘a vital English School’
must be at the ‘centre’ of such a university (1969:18). As Leavis stresses in an
article written over twenty years earlier
MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 09/13/2013, SPi
Newman and the origins of the
Early educational ideals in Ireland: Newman and
The Idea of a University
John Henry Newman is regarded by many as the most eloquent champion of
the liberaleducation the university must impart. For Newman, ethics and
civic virtue are bound up with an education in theology.1 Newman’s The Idea
of a University, a series of discourses delivered to mark the inauguration of
the Catholic University in Dublin in 1852, is widely regarded as the most
influential work ever to