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-income people have – it is a lack of understanding. Some commentators argue education is becoming more important than economic circumstances in explaining why people vote the way they do (Kaufmann 2017 ). For Inglehart and Norris, education is significant, in part because it affects socialisation. Since World War II, increasing proportions of young people have gone to university. They argue that receiving a university-level education makes people more liberal; ‘education is consistently associated with attitudes that are more tolerant toward out-groups, including ethnic
. Cosmopolitan education and the international In this section, I discuss cosmopolitan education, which is the prominent approach to thinking about pedagogy and the international. I focus in particular on Martha Nussbaum's influential account of cosmopolitan education, Cultivating Humanity: A Classical Defense of Reform in Liberal Education (Nussbaum 1997 ). I
only anti-people and against economic progress, but equally against liberal education and scientific and technological advance’. As he mentioned in Corofin, Illich was also accustomed to dismissals for being mad and having little understanding of the human condition. Explaining his abhorrence of microphones, Illich made it clear that he had no desire to ‘speak at’ people for the evening in Corofin, preferring instead to engage in conversation. What followed was far from the conventions of polite conversation, with Illich’s ideas and intimidating conversation style
was himself sceptical about the degree to which individuals who had not benefited from a rigorous liberal education could govern themselves effectively; but contemporary theorists seem much more willing to place their faith in the materialist spur to the development of responsible self-government. A focus upon the economic rewards of stable democracies avoids the Victorian insistence that democracy could only survive within
’s Constitutionalism’, Jurisprudence, 2 (2013). 41 Robert Jubb, ‘Rawls and Rousseau: Amour-Propre and the Strains of Commitment’, Res Publica 17 (2011), p. 256. 42 John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), p. 176. 43 Robert Goodin, ‘Folie Républicaine’, Annual Review of Political Science, 6 (2003), p. 63. 44 Ibid., p. 72. 45 Honohan, Civic Republicanism, p. 5. 46 Nomi M. Stolzenberg, ‘“He Drew a Circle that Shut Me Out”: Assimilation, Education and the Paradox of Liberal Education’, Harvard Law Review, 106 (1993), p. 581; Stephen Macedo
organiser is an expert in a particular field, knowing a lot within a very narrow band. In state politics the organisers are the strategists who know how to efficiently organise the resources of the state to achieve specific ends. Their strength over the idealists is their professional knowledge, but their weakness is their inability to see outside their narrow field. They also lack the broad liberal education of the idealists and are therefore not naturally democratic. ‘The great organizer is the great realist … his imagination turns to “ways and means” and not to elusive
home will be so drab in comparison’. 107 More tangibly, this value came in the form of an increased salary (an incentive to stay that NER offered). But more important seems to have been the value of further ‘opportunities’ (a word Esther used frequently) for opening up employment at home. As Ruth wrote in Etchmiadzin: ‘It is a liberal education this “manager of a district” game and I feel sure I shall be more fit for service in the States after this year.’ 108 This pull of extra work experience, more money, and travel, kept them in the Near East a little longer
, inconceivable as it might seem now, a Unionist Party proposal, from the liberal Education Minister, Basil McIvor, to begin integrating education in Northern Ireland was endorsed by the SDLP ( ibid. : 45–6). Bloomfield said of Faulkner and his SDLP partner, Gerry Fitt: ‘Yes, they got on amazingly well.’ 81 While accepting there was a ‘personality conflict’ between Roy Bradford (UUP) and Paddy