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Mills and acts

’ Law is as much about the office of the lord lieutenant, the king, and the respective privy councils of Ireland and England and their committees as it is about parliament. This chapter will refer to Poynings’ Law only when necessary to explain the role of parliament in the passing, and occasionally in contributing to the drafting, of law in Ireland. Another issue this chapter will not consider in its entirety is the creation of law. There were many ways to create law in Ireland and, on occasion, the Irish Parliament had no input. The lord lieutenant created acts of

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89

, there was no question of who would be speaker in the Lords. The lord chancellor received his writ to appear, drawn up by the clerk of the crown and hanaper and sealed, presumably by himself. This was then presented to the lord lieutenant, after the house was sitting, when the lord chancellor went below the bar, entered the house, and, kneeling, presented his writ to the lord lieutenant. 17 It is not abundantly clear from the available source material whether the writ commanded him to appear as a peer of parliament in his own right as Archbishops Jones, Bramhall and

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89

-option; in practice all were Donegall’s nominees, chosen from among relatives, dependents and friends. When the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Cornwallis, toured the north in 1799 to solicit public declarations of support for the forthcoming Act of Union, he decided that it would be pointless to follow the usual course of obtaining a resolution in favour from the Sovereign and burgesses, ‘for as the Corporation of that great and opulent town is entirely in the hands of Lord Donegall, it is necessary in some manner to obtain a public mark of approbation from the

in Civic identity and public space

arranged for her to join the Drumcondra branch of Sinn Féin and introduced her to his friend Helena Molony, who brought her into the fold of the nationalist women’s organisation Inghinidhe na hÉireann (Daughters of Erin). Years later, after their friendship had soured due to political differences, the countess insisted that Hobson only patronised her in order to gain another ally in his power struggle with Griffith. 26 After reading an Irish Times account of the Lord Lieutenant Lord Aberdeen’s interest in a number of Boys’ Brigades and Boy

in Na Fianna Éireann and the Irish Revolution, 1909–23

extent in times of war; for example, when there were questions over the cessing of MPs and the billeting of soldiers in their homes. During peace time in the 1660s, the Commons moved swiftly against any who attempted to billet soldiers on members. 24 During the later 1640s, the Commons made an application to the lord lieutenant to show restraint rather than making an order against billeting. 25 It must be stated that this was not a formal abdication of the privilege of MPs but instead a recognition of circumstances and the murky middle ground between the rights of

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
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died in political exile in San Francisco. In 1867, even larger numbers turned out for a mock funeral procession for the ‘Manchester Martyrs’, three Fenians hanged in England for their part in the killing of a policeman. In neither case did government try to intervene. In 1869, during a series of mass meetings calling for an amnesty for other imprisoned Fenians, the Lord Lieutenant, Earl Spencer, refused to suppress the gatherings, on the grounds that ‘no free government [could] object to public meetings for any legitimate object’. Two years later, during a visit by

in Civic identity and public space

Reason to doubt that they are most, if not all, procur’d in the same Way as the Party in the County of Salop endeavour’d to procure theirs, which at last is dwindled into a Silly Address from the Town of Ludlow. It appears by a Letter from Ten Gentlemen to the Right Honourable the Earl of Bradford, Lord Lieutenant of that County, that the Rebellious and Tumultuous Mob endeavour’d to procure an Address from the Grand Jury there; but failing in that, the Faction, to shew that their Works were those of

in Loyalty, memory and public opinion in England, 1658–​1727

municipal area three-fold, taking in Ballymacarrett across the river, as well as new districts to the north, west and south. Two other events confirmed Belfast’s rising status, in the eyes both of its own inhabitants and of a wider world. The first was the visit in August 1849 of Queen Victoria. The town’s inclusion on the itinerary was not quite the compliment it appeared: the main focus of the royal visit was Cork and Dublin, and the Lord Lieutenant, the earl of Clarendon, had to intervene to ensure that Belfast, ‘the Liverpool and Manchester

in Civic identity and public space

1662 ‘The petition of the Lord Baltinglass, read. Ordered, that the same be referred to the committee of privileges and grievances’. 8 In this instance we are not given the defendant’s name, details of the case, or the outcome. We cannot be even sure if it were a case or there was a defendant. There are some complete petitions in the printed records – roughly twenty-five. Petitions of the houses to the lord lieutenant or directly to Whitehall, many of which are recorded in the journals, will not be considered here. There are several reasons for this. Primarily

in The Irish Parliament, 1613–89
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visit public houses and ensure that they observed licensing hours. Some of the publicans responded by hiring the radical lawyer John Rea to challenge what they claimed was a campaign of harassment. They also petitioned the Lord Lieutenant, alleging that the ‘moral reformers’ behind the campaign were in fact driven by the rewards paid for convictions and the subscriptions extorted, under threat of prosecution, from publicans themselves. The resident magistrate, William Tracy, asked to report on the petition, wholeheartedly backed the reformers. Prior to the reduction

in Civic identity and public space