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as well as material, there is no plausible way to erect fixed boundaries separating idealism, legality and consciousness from materialism, legitimacy and institutions. Chapters 3 and 4 develop this point in detail by stressing the dialectical movement from law to idealism to new law, and by looking at the implications of this process of transformation for determinate relations of production and property ownership. The

in Beyond hegemony
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Towards a new philosophy of political legitimacy

Since the Enlightenment, liberal democrat governments in Europe and North America have been compelled to secure the legitimacy of their authority by constructing rational states whose rationality is based on modern forms of law. The first serious challenge to liberal democratic practices of legal legitimacy comes in Karl Marx's early writings on Rousseau and Hegel. Marx discovers the limits of formal legal equality that does not address substantive relations of inequality in the workplace and in many other spheres of social life. This book investigates the authoritarianism and breakdown of those state socialist governments which claim to put Marx's ideas on democracy and equality into practice. It offers an immanent critique of liberalism, and discusses liberal hegemony, attacking on liberalism from supposedly post-liberal political positions. Liberalism protects all individuals by guaranteeing a universally enforceable form of negative liberty which they can exercise in accordance with their own individual will. Immanuel Kant's critical philosophy both affirms and limits human agency through the media of rationality and legality. The conditions of liberal reason lay the groundwork for the structure of individual experience inside the liberal machine. The book also shows how a materialist reformulation of idealist philosophy provides the broad outlines of a theory of critical idealism that bears directly upon the organisation of the labour process and the first condition of legitimate law concerning humanity and external nature. Mimetic forms of materialism suggest that the possibilities for non-oppressive syntheses and realities are bound up with a libertarian union of intellect.

simply to valorise this book’s approach. Instead, the main aim is to explain why the ontological foundations of globalisation studies curtail the analysis of ideas in political economy through a bias towards materialist and structuralist explanations. And even where structuralism is mitigated with reference to actual political actors, materialism tends to remain. This counts against the analysis of globalisation as an ideational phenomena: agents may influence their structural context and may even have ideas about it, but globalisation is the macro-context of their

in Globalisation and ideology in Britain
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: conflict, struggle and war; non-materialism; irrationalism and anti-intellectualism; nation and race; the leader and the elite; the state and government; fascist economic and social theory. Conflict, struggle and war Fascism attached an astonishingly positive value to war. War was regarded as the ultimate conflict in a world in which struggle was the essence of existence. Permanent peace was not only nonsense, it was dangerous nonsense, as humans grow

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Social and cultural modernity beyond the nation-state

German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union. This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises, populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.

Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.

Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe

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this section each address notions of being and becoming within different areas of anarchist theory and practice. Indeed, it is the ontological dimension of contemporary anarchism – especially the placing of Self within a wider ecology of global relations, human and non-human – which distinguishes anarchism from radical perspectives that retain too much focus on materialism and political economy. The fact that anarchism has largely premised its critique on a psychological dimension to power relations, not just a material one, has been an advantage in this respect

in Changing anarchism

conclusion to part ii What these different commentaries – on political defeat, deteriorating political climates for radicals, and state repression – have in common is an emphasis on transformed contexts, things external to the radical that make it more difficult for them to maintain their hostility to the status quo. Such an approach makes obvious sense: most renegades emerge during times of growing conservatism and setbacks for those challenging institutions of power. This would seem consistent with Marxist materialism in one sense: if being determines

in The politics of betrayal

poststructuralism consciously seek to eschew materialism. Yet, whereas many 02c Globalisation 040-068 2/2/11 15:09 Page 41 Political economy and ideology 41 political economy approaches eschew structuralism but leave in place the materialist bias, constructivism and post-structuralism remain tied, generally speaking, to a structuralist ontology. This leaves post-structuralism unable to determine how ideational change occurs. Many constructivists, on the other hand, seek to detail the origins of change – and actually resort to materialist explanations as a result. Neo

in Globalisation and ideology in Britain
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, almost prehuman. For Lefebvre bodies orient themselves in space like spiders that produce space, that ‘secrete’ space, as they appropriate it. This zoomorphic imagining points in the direction of a base materialism that goes beyond the subject of discourse, knowledge, and representation. Rather than going back to originary or reflexive narratives and dialectics, beings, appearances, and representations, I would prefer to think of the border through what Bataille (1994) calls a ‘base materialism’, which necessarily violates any self-enclosed identity or objectivity. In

in The political materialities of borders
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, perspective and representation remain possible for political actors, but are rendered much more difficult than in the context of the city-state. Increasingly, the technologies that war has created corrupt politics by their implications for the space-time of polities and for the possibilities of control of large populations, whether through direct coercion, manipulation or materialism. Trains, steamships, cars and aeroplanes reconfigure the relation between space and time. In this new chronos, there is a lack of fit between the human time of speech and action and the time of

in Time and world politics