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An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse
Juliano Fiori

Introduction London, 10 September 2018 Since 2015, more than one and a half million people have traversed the Mediterranean, seeking asylum in Europe. The EU has been negotiating their screening and resettlement outside of Europe. European governments have closed some ports and borders to them. And neofascist groups from across Europe have rallied on the ground and online to prevent their entry. Thousands have died at sea. Multinational NGOs like Médecins Sans Frontières and Save the Children have carried out search-and-rescue missions. But it is

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
David Rieff

is not in Sri Lanka, or even Syria or Afghanistan, but in the NGO response to the migration crisis in Greece and in the Mediterranean. For here, whether they like it or not, when they rescue people at sea who are trying to get to Europe, relief NGOs are involved not just in caritative work, whose deontology is relatively straightforward ethically; here, they are important actors in a profound political struggle, whose outcome, along with the response or non-response to climate change, is likely to define the next half century. It is a commonplace to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, on the impact on Palestinian refugees of US budget cuts under Donald Trump; José Luis Fiori, on the new security strategy of the US and the disavowal of liberal internationalism; David Rieff, on the legitimacy of humanitarian agencies in a changing political landscape; Mel Bunce, on humanitarian communications and ‘fake news’; Celso Amorim, on transformations in global governance and the influence of Southern states; Caroline Abu Sa’Da, on search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean; and Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa, on

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Mel Bunce

SouthSudanNation.com, stated that a general was planning to ‘massacre Equatorians’. The story spread through WhatsApp, YouTube and Facebook as well as offline networks, and was used ‘to mobilize others to take up arms to counter the “attack”’ ( Reeves, 2017 ; see also Lynch, 2017 ). Finally, false news has made it more difficult for relief organisations to operate. Organisations working with migrants in the Mediterranean, for example, have been targeted in fake-news attacks ( Magee, 2018 ). Sean Ryan, Director of Media at Save the Children, describes

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
Tom Scott-Smith

’ ( Hartley, 2016 ) and the proposal to reclaim a ‘refugee island’ from the Mediterranean Sea ( Taylor, 2016 ). These designs have been widely circulated through social media and promoted by architectural newsletters, such as Dezeen and Arch-Daily , with large events such as the 2016 Venice Biennale adding a range of even more ambitious designs to the mix (see also Aquilino, 2011 ; Charlesworth, 2014 ; Meinhold, 2013 ; Sinclair and Stohr, 2006 ). Faced by this stream of ideas and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
The management of migration between care and control
Pierluigi Musarò

Tens of thousands of migrants and refugees stranded in camps in Greece and in Calais, shipwrecks and deaths in the Mediterranean, fences and walls across the Balkans, hotspots along the European Union (EU) southern borders, increasing controls within the Schengen space, military-humanitarian naval operations, the EU–Turkey migrant deal, NGOs and activists denouncing the

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Bassam Tibi

. There are two reasons. First, the scope of the study is broadened in the Middle East by extending the concept of peace from an Arab–Israeli one to a Mediterranean peace. In this understanding of Euro-Mediterranean peace 17 fundamentalism is viewed as a threat to political stability in the Mediterranean ( Tibi, 2000c ). Second, the direct security threat posed by Hamas or Jihad Islami is pertinent

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Challenges and opportunities

This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.

Preempting disorder along the periphery
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling

instances, with economic sanctions, rule of law or police missions, and other crisis management measures. Emphasis on conflict prevention has further been strengthened through the successful post-Cold War enlargement strategies the EU has undertaken, with regard to some Mediterranean and Central and East European countries. EU enlargement has helped to create a widening area of freedom, democracy and

in EU security governance
Open Access (free)
A bounded security role in a greater Europe
Simon Serfaty

‘whole and free’ – while cautiously progressing with a special bilateral relationship with Russia as a power in Europe that need not be, and cannot become, a power within the Union. Going south, the empires have come home and past EU dreams of becoming a power in the Middle East have resulted in the fear that too many immigrants are making of the EU a Middle Eastern power – a condition that reinforces the Union’s intention of making the Mediterranean the continent’s final geographic boundary (notwithstanding its historic presence in a series of islands that would

in Limiting institutions?