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Eve Hepburn

3446 Using Europe 16/4/10 12:12 Page 143 5 Sardinian autonomy in the Mediterranean Introduction Sardinia has been largely ignored by scholars of nationalism and regionalism. This is not because territorial claims have omitted independence, or have shunned ‘nationalist’ parlance (as in Bavaria), but because Sardinian nationalism has failed to pose a major threat to the territorial integrity of the Italian state or to catalyse any constitutional reforms, in contrast to the Lega Nord. In fact, many scholars might argue that Sardinian nationalism has already

in Using Europe
Roderick Pace

The EU’s fifth enlargement, comprising eight CEE countries and the two Mediterranean island states of Cyprus and Malta, extended the Union’s frontiers southwards towards North Africa and further eastwards towards Russia. While, in theory, an enlarged Union has more resources at its disposal to deal with its security challenges, in practice, the larger number of member

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
Peter Mayo

44 4 Extending the EU’s higher education discourse to the rest of the Mediterranean1 T his chapter builds on the previous one to show how the HE discourse is extending from Europe and specifically the EU to other regions of the world. This chapter focuses on the implications of this discourse specifically for university continuing education in the Euro-​Mediterranean, including Turkey and Morocco. The discussion I  carry forward draws on postcolonial theory. I  devote special importance to the concept of internationalisation that, as explained in the previous

in Higher education in a globalising world
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse
Juliano Fiori

Introduction London, 10 September 2018 Since 2015, more than one and a half million people have traversed the Mediterranean, seeking asylum in Europe. The EU has been negotiating their screening and resettlement outside of Europe. European governments have closed some ports and borders to them. And neofascist groups from across Europe have rallied on the ground and online to prevent their entry. Thousands have died at sea. Multinational NGOs like Médecins Sans Frontières and Save the Children have carried out search-and-rescue missions. But it is

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
David Rieff

is not in Sri Lanka, or even Syria or Afghanistan, but in the NGO response to the migration crisis in Greece and in the Mediterranean. For here, whether they like it or not, when they rescue people at sea who are trying to get to Europe, relief NGOs are involved not just in caritative work, whose deontology is relatively straightforward ethically; here, they are important actors in a profound political struggle, whose outcome, along with the response or non-response to climate change, is likely to define the next half century. It is a commonplace to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, on the impact on Palestinian refugees of US budget cuts under Donald Trump; José Luis Fiori, on the new security strategy of the US and the disavowal of liberal internationalism; David Rieff, on the legitimacy of humanitarian agencies in a changing political landscape; Mel Bunce, on humanitarian communications and ‘fake news’; Celso Amorim, on transformations in global governance and the influence of Southern states; Caroline Abu Sa’Da, on search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean; and Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa, on

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Mel Bunce, stated that a general was planning to ‘massacre Equatorians’. The story spread through WhatsApp, YouTube and Facebook as well as offline networks, and was used ‘to mobilize others to take up arms to counter the “attack”’ ( Reeves, 2017 ; see also Lynch, 2017 ). Finally, false news has made it more difficult for relief organisations to operate. Organisations working with migrants in the Mediterranean, for example, have been targeted in fake-news attacks ( Magee, 2018 ). Sean Ryan, Director of Media at Save the Children, describes

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
Tom Scott-Smith

’ ( Hartley, 2016 ) and the proposal to reclaim a ‘refugee island’ from the Mediterranean Sea ( Taylor, 2016 ). These designs have been widely circulated through social media and promoted by architectural newsletters, such as Dezeen and Arch-Daily , with large events such as the 2016 Venice Biennale adding a range of even more ambitious designs to the mix (see also Aquilino, 2011 ; Charlesworth, 2014 ; Meinhold, 2013 ; Sinclair and Stohr, 2006 ). Faced by this stream of ideas and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From model to symbol

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.

The irresistible force of European imperatives?
Paul Kennedy

use to the PSOE during the remainder of its period in office. This chapter is concerned with the evolution of foreign and security policy under the PSOE between 1982 and 1996 and will consider three areas viewed by the PSOE leadership as being key elements in Spain’s return to the international mainstream: • European integration; • defence and security; • the upgrading of Spain’s traditional links with the Mediterranean and Latin America. It will be argued that European integration was of considerable significance, firstly, in the defence and security policy

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain