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The 2008 Italy–Libya Friendship Treaty and thereassembling of Fortress Europe
Chiara De Cesari

3 Memory as border work: the 2008 Italy–Libya Friendship Treaty and the reassembling of Fortress Europe Chiara De Cesari A border is made real through imagination. (Van Houtum 2012: 412) In this chapter, I examine one peculiar border zone, namely the Mediterranean Sea – and more precisely that stretch of sea extending between Italy and Libya – in order to explore how memory-making contributes to its re-bordering. The cemetery of an astonishing and growing number of migrants and asylum seekers, this stretch of sea has become a symbol of Fortress Europe and of

in The political materialities of borders
Normative power or realist interests?
Gordon Crawford

Euro-­Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and later the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) Agreements and Union for the Mediterranean for North Africa, although the JAES is intended to complement rather than replace these Agreements. Secondly, the JAES has the stated aim of establishing a ‘strategic relationship’ between the EU and Africa, intended to enhance intercontinental dialogue and co-­ operation and ostensibly based on the principles of equality, partnership and African ownership. Such language is very much in line with the notion of the EU as a ‘normative power

in The European Union in Africa
Open Access (free)
The management of migration between care and control
Pierluigi Musarò

Tens of thousands of migrants and refugees stranded in camps in Greece and in Calais, shipwrecks and deaths in the Mediterranean, fences and walls across the Balkans, hotspots along the European Union (EU) southern borders, increasing controls within the Schengen space, military-humanitarian naval operations, the EU–Turkey migrant deal, NGOs and activists denouncing the

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
The international connection
Francesco Cavatorta

the external context forces choices onto domestic ­ actors. While the latter remain formally in charge, the conditions under which they operate are not entirely of their own making. For the analysis of Algeria, it is useful to look at rentierism and the geopolitics of the Mediterranean to further specify how the two dimensions work. Rentierism ‘A rentier state is defined as any state that receives a substantial portion of its income in the form of external rents’ (Shambayati, 1994: 308). According to Brynen (1992), rentier states have very specific characteristics

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

Open Access (free)
Seas, oceans and civilisations
Jeremy C.A. Smith

’s empire-​building has been control and politicisation of the seas –​an end in itself sought by early colonisers as new intruders into old worlds (Mancke, 1999). As an end, control obliged imperial states to create legal and diplomatic instruments for the negotiation of warfare and conflict in extraterritorial space. States extended their authority in oceanic zones as implicit power through instruments of law and diplomacy and via norms of conflict management. Many seas had been contested for centuries: the Mediterranean, the Red Sea, the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Aden

in Debating civilisations
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Brighter European–Muslim–Jewish futures?
Amikam Nachmani

declared after meeting Le Pen. ‘We want to decide how we control our borders, our money, our economy, our currency.’6 Others feel that because there is no overall concerted policy the individual European states, lacking authority, guidelines and funds, are therefore unable to deal with the inundation of refugees and immigrants. Authorities in states fronting the Mediterranean Basin, especially hard-pressed Italy and Greece, requested a supra-national approach to the crisis by EU and the UN, but their pleas fell on deaf ears. Between January and June 2014, 59,880 migrants

in Haunted presents
Abstract only
Harry Blutstein

Prologue How distances become less and less; and this rapid approach, what is it but the commencement of fraternity? Thanks to railroads, Europe will soon be no larger than France was in the middle ages. Thanks to steam-­ships, we now traverse the mighty ocean more easily than the Mediterranean was formerly crossed. Before long, men will traverse the earth, as the gods of Homer did the sky, in three paces! But yet a little time, and the electric wire of concord shall encircle the globe and embrace the world. (Victor Hugo, 1849) In the public’s imagination

in The ascent of globalisation
The limits of the EU’s external dimension of migration in Africa
Tine Van Criekinge

, instead the ACP was keen on securing the rights and protection of their migrants in the EU (Vanheukelom et al., 2006: 6). Although the Article considers the EU and ACP’s obligations towards migrants by committing to the right of fair treatment, importantly the Article also allows the EU to negotiate readmission agreements with individual countries and solicits cooperation in joint migration management.2 In the Maghreb, the EU has sought cooperation on migration in the context of the Euro-­Mediterranean Association Agreements (AA), signed with all countries in the region

in The European Union in Africa
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From convergence to divergence and back?
James W. Peterson and Jacek Lubecki

Force Mediterranean, the organization promised a commitment at least until the end of 2018. Under that heading, they would conduct anti-smuggling operations and also train the Libyan Coast Guard (European Union 2017f ). In addition, there had been a number of EU missions in Somalia. One was EUCAP Somalia, which helped to build civilian maritime capacity as well as Naval Force Atalanta, which helped to protect transport of

in Defense policies of East-Central European countries after 1989