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money at Lanciani’s disposal with Rothschild’s Italian branch. In January 1888, Lanciani complained to Loring about the immobility of the antiquarian market after the scandal at the building site for Vittorio Emanuele’s monument (Coppola, 2009). Many coins found during the construction work were illegally sold by the workers and from that point the authorities became more suspicious. In his letters Lanciani focused on the market’s dynamics: [B]etter to bargain with the producers: only these producers are becoming a myth! Since I came back two excavations only have
This book presents a study of material images and asks how an appreciation of the making and unfolding of images and art alters archaeological accounts of prehistoric and historic societies. With contributions focusing on case studies including prehistoric Britain, Scandinavia, Iberia, the Americas and Dynastic Egypt, and including contemporary reflections on material images, it makes a novel contribution to ongoing debates relating to archaeological art and images. The book offers a New Materialist analysis of archaeological imagery, with an emphasis on considering the material character of images and their making and unfolding. The book reassesses the predominantly representational paradigm of archaeological image analysis and argues for the importance of considering the ontology of images. It considers images as processes or events and introduces the verb ‘imaging’ to underline the point that images are conditions of possibility that draw together differing aspects of the world. The book is divided into three sections: ‘Emergent images’, which focuses on practices of making; ‘Images as process’, which examines the making and role of images in prehistoric societies; and ‘Unfolding images’, which focuses on how images change as they are made and circulated. The book features contributions from archaeologists, Egyptologists, anthropologists and artists. The contributors to the book highlight the multiple role of images in prehistoric and historic societies, demonstrating that archaeologists need to recognise the dynamic and changeable character of images.
professional. ROBERTS 9781526134554 PRINT.indd 177 03/12/2019 08:56 178 Communities and knowledge production in archaeology As with many field sciences, a degree in Egyptology alone did not give Breasted professional standing. Erman thus urged Breasted to go to Egypt ‘for the sake of his health and scientific future,’ and gave him an important task: collating inscriptions in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo for a massive dictionary Erman was writing (C. Breasted, 1943: 51). Understanding the importance of this fieldwork, Breasted scraped together money from a variety of
their excavation seasons, Egyptologists would convene once again in Cairo to divest themselves of their crews, split artefacts with the museum, make final arrangements for their shipments going back, and make more plans for the following season. As we have seen, some of them stayed in Cairo as long as they could to avoid the English summer. Harold Jones and Howard Carter frequently stayed as long as they were able and the money and work held out. As Andrews, Davis, Wilbour, and Sayce unpacked their dahabeahs and their crews worked to get them ready for the next year
return on their investment, in spite of the fact that Petrie himself fought against the perception that subscriptions were ‘mere purchase money’. 27 Such large amounts of sponsorship money had to come from somewhere. Fig 16 The cotton mills of Greater Manchester were so numerous that the area became known as ‘Cottonpolis’. © Chronicle / Alamy Stock Photo CAPTAINS OF INDUSTRY Manchester was one of several British
usually the same for both archaeologists and tourists – once their preparation time was finished in a tourist-filled Cairo, they embarked on a trip up the Nile. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, some tourists on the fast track with Thomas Cook might take a train south to Luxor or Aswan, then turn around and take a steamboat back down the Nile, north to Cairo. Others would take a steamer up and back; still others – those with the most time and money – would rent a houseboat, a dahabeah, for the season; some people had their own dahabeahs built so they
, ‘that the Law Courts here are not calculated to prolong life.’40 Nevertheless, Ogden was to live for another decade. The cost and ultimate futility of the ‘Churchill affair’ was a learning experience for the Museum Committee. When Ogden’s health began to fail in the early 1920s, the Keeper George Carpenter was dispatched post-haste to ensure the collection Ogden had himself promised to the Museum was transferred with no further ado. Ogden also left the Museum a small amount of money in his will, but after finding that at the last Ogden had intended to change this in
On his first trip to Egypt in 1880, Flinders Petrie saved time and money by staying in the rock-cut tombs at Giza. He wrote that ‘no better lodgings are to be had anywhere for solidity and equable temperature; the minor advantages may be a question of taste, such as the gratis supply of ancient bones or mummy cloth in the dust and sand of your floor’. 1 He knew there were other options, but, he told his readers, for the money, ‘the tomb is best’. 2
live in the real thing, could stay in the Hotel du Nil, deep in the quarter; a lot of early archaeologists did. The Bulaq Built by the Mamelukes, the area known as the Bulaq (Boulak, Bulak) has been a port on the Nile in Cairo since the fifteenth century. Money, spices, and other goods were passed through and traded in this port, making the area and its residents rich. Residents and area leaders built palaces and monuments to the port's success over the years. Over the next three centuries, not a lot changed in the layout of
-Normans with the intention of funnelling trade through them from the rest of the territory they controlled (O’Brien, 1988 ). The Irish port towns thrived financially in the tower house era, in spite of difficult political circumstances. Indeed, Ireland is described as having been in ‘substantial economic recovery’ at this time ( ibid .: 25). The influx of money into Ireland's urban places and the control of this activity by a small and interrelated mercantile community explains, at least in part, a late medieval building boom that included tower houses. It also included