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show that ‘strangers’ can be recruited into collective activism in the absence of social networks, through ‘moral shocks’. Movements use both mechanisms for recruitment – existing social networks and moral shocks. CMC is likely to contribute to these forms of mobilisation in a number of ways. CMC could serve as a useful technology through which to articulate moral shocks to a wider audience than previously possible, serving as a new medium through which to frame activists’ concerns. There remains doubt, however, as to whether participation is likely to occur without

in Cyberprotest
A Capability Approach based analysis from the UK and Ireland

, neoliberal economy. The CA and individualism A focus on individual wellbeing has been recognised and explored by a number of authors of the CA (e.g. Alkire, 2008; Robeyns, 2008). Robeyns (2008: 30) argues that the CA adopts what is called ‘ethical individualism’ in that individuals are the ultimate units of moral concern in evaluating wellbeing. In this way, the concerns See the Human Development and Capability Association website (www.hd-​ca.org) which details thematic groups using various methodological approaches for the greater understanding of human capabilities

in Urban gardening and the struggle for social and spatial justice

more on sociopsychological aspects. Thus it examines the triggers of individuals’ inclusion into activism – face-to-face interaction (and accompanying friendship networks) and the use of moral shocks. New social movement theorists especially have focused on the personal triggers to collective action. Melucci (2000) has suggested that participation can be concerned primarily with a search for personal identity and the solidarity gained from being part of a group. These approaches emphasise face-to-face interaction as of primary importance. This ignores both the

in Cyberprotest
Young people in migrant worker families in Ireland

in Ireland has received attention in political circles and in the popular press due to a number of ‘moral panics’ concerning children’s education and socialisation (Ní Laoire et al., 2009) and, more recently, the economic recession. In times of economic uncertainty, immigration often is perceived as a threat and of concern to society. Recent research by Spencer, Ruhs, Anderson and Rogaly (2007) in a UK context suggests that migrant workers who migrate with children are more likely to intend to remain living in their host country, specifically because they are more

in Spacing Ireland
Irish farming knowledges

identities not only become standardised through local knowledge cultures 149 Culture and place but are intertwined with the past; ‘the past serves to act as a moral template for current action’. Here, decisions with regards to farm forestry appear orientated towards the past and draw upon ancestors and cultural values, a highly subjective and personalised orientation that seems to inhibit a break with tradition. However, the power of this narrative may dissipate over spatial distance. It is revealing that while farmers are very reluctant to plant forestry on their own

in Spacing Ireland
Landscape, mobility and politics after the crash

condition as labour and as chore, never escaped its moral context, one shaped by concerns about transformation and the political contexts of corruption, environment, planning, heritage and risk. Official discourses of the motorway attempted to hold these diverse narratives together. But they cannot be held together really. The re-election of the Fianna Fáil-Green Party-Progressive Democrat coalition government in 2007 illustrated amongst other things how successful the State was in manufacturing a coherent narrative about Irish identity and its place in new era of

in Spacing Ireland
100 years of Ireland in National Geographic magazine

considered that people were more confident because ‘they have not had to confront the decision of whether to emigrate or not’. Ireland will be changed in twenty years, he said – in technology, living standards and levels of education (Putnam, April 1981: 469). By 1994, Conniff observed with a tinge of regret that shifting moral values and global economics were driving Ireland towards modernity. A prosperous Ireland was emerging with a new enterprise economy. ‘Real Ireland is an urban nation now … The light of Ireland now is often neon’, which represented a sharp break from

in Spacing Ireland
The visual art of Tim Robinson/Timothy Drever

North, Landscape painting is the 193 194 Catherine Marshall most revolutionary’.11 Every age has its particular concerns. Gombrich identified landscape as the only genre in late Renaissance Northern Europe that was not subjugated to religious or moral content, no matter how subtly disguised, as he felt history, portraiture and still life continued to be. In a modernist context, such considerations have little relevance. Instead, it is the elitism surrounding easel paintings and the power of the gallery, irrespective of subject, that Robinson’s maps initially

in Unfolding Irish landscapes
Reading Tim Robinson through Gluaiseacht Chearta Sibhialta na Gaeltachta

enthusiasm for that project is very much of a piece with Gaeltacht activism of many decades, indeed, right up into the present day. That activism has stressed the moral obligation to allow communities to control their own fate; that obligation of course extends to English-speaking communities as well. Anyone who looks closely at Robinson’s Connemara map can see that. But the place where you can really see pobal taking priority over teanga is in the gazetteers of the two ‘big maps’: Connemara: A One-Inch Map (1990) and Oileáin Árann: A Map of the Aran Islands, Co. Galway

in Unfolding Irish landscapes

activists reflects a broader schism among environmentalists over the ideal of participatory democracy. The debate about how to move towards participatory democracy is one about timing and effectiveness. While many employ the logic of numbers to argue their investiture in decisions, others have mobilised influence through the moral superiority of their argument alone, without the need of popular support. The former requires mass access to CMC, and the latter activists’ access to power holders (possibly via their use of CMC). Tensions exist among activists, not only about

in Cyberprotest