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Editor: C. E. Beneš

This book provides the first English translation of the Chronicle of the city of Genoa by the thirteenth-century Dominican Jacopo da Varagine (also known as Jacobus de Voragine). While Jacopo is better known for his monumental compilation of saints’ lives, the Golden legend, his lesser known Chronicle of Genoa exemplifies the important medieval genre of the civic chronicle. The work mixes scholarly research about the city’s origins with narrative accounts based on Genoese archival sources, more didactic and moral reflections on the proper conduct of public and private life, and personal accounts of Jacopo’s own experience as archbishop of Genoa from 1292 until his death in 1298. Divided into twelve parts, the work covers the history of Genoa from its ancient origins up to Jacopo’s own day. Jacopo’s first-hand accounts of events in which he himself participated—such as the great civic reconciliation of 1295, over which he himself presided—provide a valuable contrast to the more scholarly and didactic sections of the work. Together they form an integrated, coherent approach to urban history, which illustrates some of the most important styles of historiography in the Middle Ages.

C. E. Beneš

Part nine offers moral advice on domestic matters. Chapters one to four addresses relations between husbands and wives; the fifth discusses relations between parents and children; and the sixth deals with relations between masters and servants or slaves.

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
C. E. Beneš

Part seven presents moral advice for civic magistrates in four chapters, asserting that they should be powerful and magnanimous so that they can govern without fear; that they ought to be God-fearing men; that they ought to be truthful in all things; and that they ought to hate all avarice and cupidity.

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
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C. E. Beneš

city's inhabitants to the practice of active, virtuous citizenship. The writing of history, with its moral purpose, was thus believed to contribute to the development of a stable commonwealth, and it is no accident that the heyday of the medieval commune in Italy coincided with the production of innumerable civic chronicles in cities both large and small. Over time, the chronicles of Florence—from Sanzanome in the early

in Jacopo Da Varagine’s Chronicle of the city of Genoa
Abstract only
Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

. Interpreting their meaning also required a general knowledge of the more recent and turbulent history of Louis’ reign, and the parts played by the two main culprits: Bernard of Septimania (called Naso after the adulterous poet Ovid) and Louis’ second spouse, Judith, who was Empress Justina, the nemesis of Ambrose of Milan. 23 The alias of Honorius for Lothar depended on Wala’s byname Arsenius, because of their relationship of mentor and pupil; here as well, getting the moral implications of the name required a familiarity with the careers of Emperor Theodosius I (r. 379

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
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E.A. Jones

material for the early Middle English Ancrene Wisse (‘Guide for Anchoresses’), written in the 1220s, and the most complete and enduring of English anchoritic rules. It is divided between an ‘outer rule’, which focuses on prayers and other observances and the practicalities of daily life, and an ‘inner rule’ that addresses the anchorite’s moral and spiritual life, including discussions of sin, temptations, penance and love for

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
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Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

formerly omitted, so that hereafter we may complete the form of our father’s epitaph, which we earlier began to commit to writing. For it would have been more respectable not to have started than to leave unfinished what we began. Pascasius: I confess that this is so, my brother. Yet, after the muted silences of life and the suspension of literary pursuits, I am afraid to return to what forgetfulness has done away with or moral levity now disdains to hear. Even if it were time to speak about these things, moreover, the fluency of writing is no longer mine, if it was

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire
E.A. Jones

rule in the same sense as the Rule of St Benedict , for example – that is, a stable set of precepts enforceable across (and constitutive of) a religious order. When further details are given, they comprise a loose set of guidelines for balancing the daily demands of physical and spiritual occupation, together with some general moral exhortation. The vow that Richard Ludlow made at Maidenhead [ 50 ] follows a very similar

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
E.A. Jones

been anxious that a resident solitary could become a nuisance, a distraction or a financial burden [ 6b ]. On the moral and spiritual questions, our sources are generally quieter, though a tempting hypothesis suggests that Julian of Norwich may have prepared the Short Text of her Revelations in connection with such an enquiry into her suitability for the anchoritic life. In some cases the bishop would

in Hermits and anchorites in England, 1200–1550
Abstract only
Mayke de Jong and Justin Lake

portends, but rather to work together with us to fashion an image of our father in a restrained style. 30 Severus: I am happy to do as you recommend. But a complete image of this man’s character cannot be fashioned, I think, from the features of a single person, since in his actions he exhibited the moral excellence of many famous people. For very often it seemed to me that he possessed the same mixture of character traits that belonged to the earlier Arsenius. Sometimes he appeared in the guise of Father Benedict, 31 and on occasion (as was touched upon earlier

in Confronting crisis in the Carolingian empire