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Jean-François Caron

will show in the coming chapters, this fear generates many significant moral questions that need to be addressed before societies fully embark on this new path. One of them is linked with the fact that capacity-increasing technologies will allow some soldiers to benefit from advantages over their foes who do not benefit from them. However, as has been argued already, it would be a mistake to conclude automatically that they

in A theory of the super soldier
Jannika Brostrom

T HIS CHAPTER EXAMINES the use of moral suasion in cases of violence, justified as humanitarian intervention. It argues that rather than this being reflective of normative shifts in world politics brought about by global civil society, it can be explained by referring to the role of power and interests. After an examination of how supporters of global civil society

in Violence and the state
The morality of capacity-increasing technologies in the military

Throughout history, states have tried to create the perfect combatant, with superhuman physical and cognitive features akin to those of comic book superheroes. However, the current innovations have nothing to do with the ones from the past, and their development goes beyond a simple technological perspective. On the contrary, they are raising the prospect of a human-enhancement revolution that will change the ways in which future wars will be fought and may even profoundly alter the foundations upon which our modern societies are built. This book discusses the full ethical implications of these new technologies, making it a unique resource for students and scholars interested in the morality of warfare.

Refusing to adopt a binary vision, political theorist Jean-François Caron argues that, when analysed from an ethical viewpoint, the development and use of capacity-increasing technologies in the military is far more complex than it first appears, since it presents us with a significant moral dilemma. On the one hand, enhancing soldiers’ capacities can be interpreted as a moral obligation on the part of the military. On the other, such technologies might also end up harming fundamental moral principles of warfare. Without condemning them as evil and inadmissible, Professor Caron proposes a nuanced and balanced appraisal of capacity-increasing technologies in the military as a tool that ought to be used contingently on the respect of certain moral criteria.

Daniel Loick

that “the assertion that the ends of police violence are always identical or even connected to those of general law is entirely untrue.”6) The experiences from penal law in particular show that legal coercion does not actually help to hinder hindrances of law; state-​inflicted punishment –​paradigmatically the prison system –​rather continually produces and reproduces “milieus of delinquency”7 outside of the legal order. 99 Law without violence 99 Besides their empirical ineffectivity, moral objections can be raised against means of coercion on strictly

in Law and violence
Abstract only
‘History is past politics, politics is present history’
Vicky Randall

life which has not been fully explored. The purpose of this book is to deepen our understanding of Freeman and his response to some of the pressing concerns of the later nineteenth century, including the nature of history, issues of race and imperialism, and confrontation with the Islamic East. In approaching Freeman, one of my aims is to situate his activities within the framework of ‘public moralism’ delineated by Stefan Collini. 2 Public moralists were (almost exclusively) men who enjoyed prominence in Britain between 1850 and 1930, and claimed a ‘right to be

in History, empire, and Islam
Reflections on Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Alessandro Ferrara

couldn’t the same be said of the practice of moral judgment and moral conduct, which obviously consists of actors trying to preserve the distinctiveness of “the moral point of view” from contamination with “non-​moral” or “extra-​moral” considerations? Does a moral culture, an ethos, commit violence when it tries to preserve its own integrity as a system of principles and values aimed at orienting conduct? Paradoxically, couldn’t the same claim be raised with respect to art and the aesthetic sphere? Since it has emerged as an autonomous sphere of human practice, guided

in Law and violence
Vicky Randall

set of lectures read before the Philosophical Society at its own request, Freeman had felt that ‘it would have been obviously out of place to do more than point the political moral of the story in a general way’. 5 Still, in tracing out the basic currents of Oriental history, Freeman argued that Islam posed a barrier to progress, that Muslim rule over Christians should not be tolerated, and that British support of the Ottoman Empire was misguided. By comparison, Freeman wrote the Ottoman Power in political circumstances which he believed required urgent action

in History, empire, and Islam
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Women and the narrative of extremist violence in Pakistan
Afiya Shehrbano Zia

determinants. For the purpose of this chapter, I apply Furlow and Goodall’s (2011) framing of extremist narrative and rhetoric techniques in relation to acts of violence. I reference Laird Wilcox’s (2005) explanation of the manner in which extremists who are ‘at war’ with an opposing group or idea engage their battles with specific uses of language. These include character assassination and name calling and assuming moral and even divine authority to legitimise their cause and intimidate their opponents. I argue that CVE efforts, however defined, need to push back the

in Encountering extremism
Vicky Randall

Orientalism for Semites, one relating to Islam and the other to Judaism. 8 According to Turner, Europeans have always insisted on the distinctiveness of Christianity in relationship to the two other Abrahamic faiths. It is ‘[p]‌recisely because Judaism and Islam shared so much in common’, he explains, that ‘they had to be separated culturally by a discourse of ethnic and moral difference from the Christian tradition’. 9 The idea of Muslim ‘otherness’, Turner observes, is largely derived from ‘the doctrine of Islamic failure and decline’. 10 As in Freeman’s Saracens

in History, empire, and Islam
Abstract only
Lindsey Dodd

support were developed for those suffering from ‘deportation pathology’, a diagnosis resting on a ‘fabricated universality’ of experience.44 What they had in common, however, was their wartime distance from French territory; little recognition was given to psychologically troubled civilians who had remained in France. The experience of bombing was buried under the moral and psychological reconstruction of a nation. Such historical circumstances restricted the expression of traumatic experience among parts of the French population. Part of the social context of trauma

in French children under the Allied bombs, 1940–45