Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 24 items for :

  • Manchester Political Studies x
Clear All
Abstract only

anomaly: a violent minority that had imposed its will by force upon Italians, who were essentially brava gente (good people) and never identified with the Regime.12 Hence, the story goes, this silent majority then fought back against totalitarianism under the banner of the Resistance to claim the moral authority for post-​war reconstruction. Renzo De Felice, among other historians, challenged this foundational narrative by underscoring consensus as an integral aspect of the Regime’s ­sustainability.13 This revisionist approach has informed subsequent studies, which have

in Internal exile in Fascist Italy

before the needs and obligations of the nation, distinctions between public and private spheres dissolved. While the Mafia may not have posed a moral threat to the State’s authority, its suppression served propagandistic and political purposes. An integral aspect of this strategy drew on the Pica law, but introduced confino in place of the historically charged domicilio coatto for the Sicilian Mafia.34 The law’s five articles provided both a blueprint and a field test for the subsequent overhaul of public security measures: Art. 1. Le persone designate dalla pubblica

in Internal exile in Fascist Italy

victims interned for ­poli­tical motives, while the experiences of homosexuals or mafiosi sent to internal exile are merely referenced. Two films on the Mafia allude to the internment of mafiosi and Mafia sympathisers quite dismissively, and represent more of an indictment of the Mafia than of internal exile. This is the case with Pasquale Scimeca’s Placido Rizzotto (2000) and Marco Tullio Giordana’s I cento passi (The Hundred Steps, 2000) where allusions to internal exile and prison inscribe the films within a moral universe that vilifies mafiosi. In these and several

in Internal exile in Fascist Italy
Abstract only

fascista che avrà nel 1926 il suo anno napoleonico, anche perché entreranno in vigore i nuovi codici penale, commerciale, marittimo, di procedura civile e di procedura penale, e sarà questa una delle più grandi realizzazioni del regime.10 (Faith in the vitality of Fascism, which is changing the physical face of Italy and the moral profile of Italians; faith in the Fascist revolution, which will have in 1926 its Napoleonic year, also because the new penal, commercial, maritime, civil procedural, and penal procedural codes will go into effect. This will be one of the

in Internal exile in Fascist Italy
Abstract only

visit public houses and ensure that they observed licensing hours. Some of the publicans responded by hiring the radical lawyer John Rea to challenge what they claimed was a campaign of harassment. They also petitioned the Lord Lieutenant, alleging that the ‘moral reformers’ behind the campaign were in fact driven by the rewards paid for convictions and the subscriptions extorted, under threat of prosecution, from publicans themselves. The resident magistrate, William Tracy, asked to report on the petition, wholeheartedly backed the reformers. Prior to the reduction

in Civic identity and public space
Abstract only

within their workplace and WLM activists hoping to extend the social composition of the movement by raising the consciousness of workingclass women. Feminist support for female workers was also driven by the personal motivations of individual members who, in the words of Sheila Rowbotham, ‘wanted to involve working-class women and do things about women’s oppression rather than just discuss it’.7 Feminist support was crucial for raising the public profile of women’s militancy and could provide essential moral and financial backing for women who were not supported by

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85

as demands for skill recognition by the workers. The women emphasised that the dispute was over a ‘moral’ principle, rather than ‘economic’ gain. A shop steward called Lil Thompson told the Guardian, ‘The strike is not about the £6.50 extra, but recognising women’s skills.’ She said, ‘The reason we are in this grade is simple, it’s because we are women.24 A worker named Joan explained, ‘This dispute goes back a long time. We’ve waited for years for recognition that we are skilled workers. The girls just aren’t going to put up with it any more. It’s not the money

in Women, workplace protest and political identity in England, 1968-85
Abstract only

government. Conscientious support for the European ideal is accepted. But what kind of conscience permits Labour MPs to save the creators of a million unemployed? (Kinnock, 1971 : 1) The more enthusiastic Labour rebels, some of whom went on to form the SDP, attempted to hold the moral high ground and claimed that their pro-European position was based on principle. There is evidence to suggest, however, that the more extreme pro-Europeans’ aim of seeing Britain in Europe was not their only aspiration. Susan

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
Abstract only

elite groups in the early 1960s, the Conservative government found all the groups, which included members of the press, industrialists, parliamentarians and top civil servants increasingly favoured Britain's entry into the Common Market. Peter Shore summed up the mind-set of the wider elite at this time when he claimed: ‘by mid-1962 the whole political, intellectual, and moral force of Britain's Establishment was committed to the enterprise’ (Shore, 1966 : 22). Since membership of the Common Market was such a major decision affecting Britain's future it is

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
Abstract only

without precedent since the days of Bloody Mary’. Yet neither he nor his colleagues were inclined to intervene. At the last moment, however, rumours of potentially violent counter demonstrations by militant Protestants panicked the government into asking Bourne to curtail the planned procession. The archbishop was able to claim a moral victory, loyally obeying the government’s instructions while announcing publicly that it had demonstrated to the world that Catholics ‘do not enjoy the same liberties as other Englishmen’. The reality was, rather, that Asquith and his

in Civic identity and public space