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A. P. V. Rogers

attacked during the NATO bombing campaign were very similar to those attacked during the Gulf war of 1991.155 There were three phases: air-defence systems and command and control bunkers; military targets below 44 degrees north latitude; and ‘punishment’ targets north of the 44th parallel, including targets in Belgrade.156 Attacks on bridges received a lot of media attention when, as in two cases, these were carried out as a train157 and a bus158 respectively were crossing them, resulting in unfortunate, and perhaps avoidable, civilian casualties. As the author has

in Law on the battlefield
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles
Rony Brauman

ICRC held a roundtable in Geneva on ‘Translating humanitarian law into military tactics’. The aim was to consider how to conduct military operations within the limits of IHL and, in particular, to ponder appropriate, effective and yet legally acceptable rules of armed engagement. The four panellists included two military legal advisors (from NATO and the United States) and a colonel. While this may seem extremely cynical, the effort to better incorporate IHL into military

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Joël Glasman
and
Brendan Lawson

scale of the disaster, while host states have an interest in exaggerating the figures in order to increase financial support ( Crisp, 1986 ). Governments fudge humanitarian figures to justify military interventions. Here we can think of the way NATO justified their bombings using the figure of 100,000 Kosovar Albanians massacred by Serbs – a figure ten times higher than the reality ( Crisp, 1999 ). Humanitarian agencies themselves may have an interest in overestimating

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks
and
Rob Grace

: Hurst ). Mazurana , D. and Donnelly , P. ( 2017 ), Stop the Sexual Assault against Humanitarian and Development Aid Workers Feinstein International Center Somerville, MA . Médecins Sans Frontières International Movement ( 2013 ), Famine and Forced Relocations in Ethiopia 1984–1986 MSF Speaks Out . Médecins Sans Frontières International Movement ( 2014a ), Violence against Kosovar Albanians, NATO’s Intervention 1998–1999 MSF Speaks Out . Médecins Sans Frontières International Movement ( 2014b ), War Crimes and Politics

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Irina Mützelburg (October 2022)
Brendan Lawson
,
Joël Glasman
, and
Irina Mützelburg

Дмитро Лубінець] ’, 3 September, https://ukrainian.voanews.com/a/ombudsman_lubinets_interview/6729554.html . Washington Post ( 2022a ), ‘ Russia Could Seize Kyiv in Days and Cause 50,000 Civilian Casualties in Ukraine, U.S. Assessments Find ’, 5 February, www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/02/05/ukraine-russia-nato-putin-germany/ . Washington Post

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

This book is the collective use of force within the framework of the Charter, whose ambitious project is based on the premise that armed force can be resorted to exclusively in the common interest. It begins with a short discussion of the powers granted to the Security Council for the discharge of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and the conditions under which these powers may be exercised. The United States, supported by its NATO allies, or at least some of them, openly challenged the authority of the Security Council and attempted to downgrade its authorisation from a legal requirement to a matter of political convenience. The book deals with the use of force by States either individually or jointly. Through the lenses of the interaction between the Charter and customary international law, it considers the evolution of the right to self-defence, the only exception expressly provided for in the Charter, and the possible re-emergence of other exceptions. The book focuses in particular on the controversial question concerning the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons in self-defence and of the pre-emptive military action against threats posed by these weapons. Often referring to the recent Iraqi crisis, it further deals with the collective and unilateral means at the disposal of the United Nations and its members to enforce disarmament obligations and tackle the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

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Post-traumatic sovereignty and war
Jarosław Kuisz

On the afternoon of Tuesday 15 November 2022, a missile killed two people in the small village of Przewodów in Eastern Poland, just next to the border with Ukraine. Initially, it was unclear what had happened. “A senior US intelligence official says Russian missiles crossed into NATO member Poland, killing two people,” the news agency Associated Press wrote shortly before

in The new politics of Poland
Leslie C. Green

as well as to any force operating in the name of some other intergovernmental organisation like NATO, as has been the case in the former Yugoslavia or Afghanistan. The rights of member states The only freedom of action left to members in matters of this kind is to be found in Article 51, which emphasises that ‘nothing in the Charter shall impair the inherent

in The contemporary law of armed conflict
Abstract only
Stephen C. Neff

foreign-policy ‘pillar’ with possible integration of defence policies in the future. The ‘Partnership for Peace’ programme of the NATO alliance embraces such traditionally neutral countries as Sweden and Switzerland. Historical perspective, however, must lead to instant suspicions of any claims of the death of neutrality. Twice in the twentieth century, the obituaries proved false. Perhaps the single greatest lesson of

in The rights and duties of neutrals
Third edition
Author:

This book bridges the gap between the legal theory propounded in academic works and the practical implementation of customary and treaty law as evidenced by military manuals, operational orders and instructions or in reports relating to incidents occurring in armed conflict. It illustrates conflicts, generally those in which British sailors, soldiers and airmen have been involved. The book highlights the more recent judgments and opinions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights, the comprehensive work of the International Committee of the Red Cross with regard to customary international humanitarian law and the meaning of 'direct participation in hostilities', the Harvard University air and missile warfare project, the San Remo Manual on non-international armed conflicts, and the UK Law of Armed Conflict Manual of 2004. It discusses the protection of the wounded and sick, the security aspects of belligerent occupation and, because this is constantly raised as a weakness of the law of armed conflict, on the implementation and enforcement of this branch of the law. Concerns about recent events, such as publication of the 'Torture Papers', conditions at Abu Ghraib, the perceived 'legal hole' at Guantanamo Bay or the United Kingdom's Baha Mousa inquiry, caused the author to reflect on the utility of the law of armed conflict given the apparent willingness of some to exploit loopholes in the law or deploy ingenious approaches to its interpretation to the detriment of humanity.