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The Balkan experience
Martin A. Smith

During the 1990s, both the EU and NATO enlarged their memberships: the EU by taking in Austria, Finland and Sweden in 1995 and NATO by admitting the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland four years later. These two enlargement processes were not officially linked. In the wake of the developing EU enlargement process in the early 1990s, NATO members had apparently contented themselves

in The security dimensions of EU enlargement
James W. Peterson

Introduction Soon after the end of the Cold War, America led the West to embrace the concept of expanding the membership numbers in NATO. There were other international organizations, such as the OSCE. However, NATO received the call from the West, and it had real implications for the relationship between the United States and Russia. Key decisions that will receive attention in this chapter include the setting up of the PfP program in 1994, the inclusion of three former communist nations in 1999, the admission of four more plus three former Soviet

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world

Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this book is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. This book highlights the key developmental stages in the evolution of the Russian-American relationship in the post-Cold War world. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia.Key topics include struggles over the Balkans, the expansion of NATO, the challenges posed by terrorism to both nations, wars fought by both powers in the first decade of the twenty-first century, conflict over missile defence, reactions to post-2011 turmoil in the Middle East, and the mutual interest in establishing priorities in Asia.

Interpreting change
Author:

This book focuses on the Western difficulties in interpreting Russia. It begins by reflecting on some of the problems that are set in the foundations of Russia's post-Cold War relationship with the West. The book points to problems that emerge from linguistic and historical 'interpretation'. It looks at the impact of Russia's decline as a political priority for the West since the end of the Cold War and the practical impact this has had. It then reflects on the rising influence, especially, but not only, in public policy and media circles, of 'transitionology' as the main lens through which developments in Russia were interpreted. The book then examines the evolution of the West's relationship with Russia since the end of the Cold War, focusing particularly on the NATO–Russia relationship. It focuses on the chronological development of relations and the emergence of strategic dissonance from 2003. The book also looks at Russian domestic politics, particularly the Western belief in and search for a particular kind of change in Russia, a transition to democracy. It continues the exploration of domestic politics, but turns to address the theme of 'Putinology', the focus on Putin as the central figure in Russian politics.

Germany and NATO nuclear weapons cooperation
Stephan Frühling
and
Andrew O'Neil

Among US alliances, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) stands out in several key respects. It is the only multilateral alliance to have endured the Cold War, and is by far the most institutionalised. It has set itself global objectives in the post-Cold War era, but remains the only US alliance with a treaty clause (Article V) that commits all members to come to

in Partners in deterrence
Abstract only
Norway and nuclear weapons cooperation in NATO
Stephan Frühling
and
Andrew O'Neil

Norway was a founding member of NATO and has hosted a number of key US intelligence facilities that contribute directly to the US global nuclear intelligence network. During the Cold War, Oslo also agreed to stationing several facilities on Norwegian territory that could support US nuclear operations in the event of war. Yet, Norwegian decision makers have consistently

in Partners in deterrence
Creating stability in a time of uncertainty

East-Central European countries, the Visegrád Four to include the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, have developed a divergence of approaches to key issues of national defense. Measures of defense capability include size of defense budgets, numbers of persons in the armed forces, and willingness to engage in foreign deployments led by NATO and the EU that act as integrating forces within the region. The communist experiences of earlier decades have acted as legacies that have shaped countries’ post-1989 approaches to national and regional defense. However, the evolution of liberal-democratic patterns and systems have played a meaningful role as well. In spite of those convergence experiences and patterns, divergence among them has characterized their interactions as well. Poland has been more willing to take on regional defense obligations, while the other three have been more reluctant. Since the 2014 Ukrainian Crisis, a strident and divisive nationalism has shaken each of them and modified their approaches to defense issues.

Mythologising a nation, performing an alliance
Maria Mälksoo

construction of the sea as a national mythscape; and second, the emerging maritime posture and posturing of NATO in the Baltic Sea region as a case of ritualised performance of deterrence towards Russia. In both instances of cultivating a national mythscape via the sea and performing a multinational military alliance via exercising extended maritime deterrence, the Baltic Sea emerges as a crucial arena for

in The Sea and International Relations
US nuclear weapons and alliances in Europe and Asia

From the start of the Cold War to the presidency of Donald Trump, nuclear weapons have been central to the internal dynamics of US alliances in Europe and Asia. But cooperation on policy, strategy, posture and deployment of US nuclear weapons has varied significantly between US alliances and over time. Partners in Deterrence goes beyond traditional accounts that focus on deterrence and reassurance in US nuclear policy, and instead places the objectives and influence of US allies at the centre of analysis. Through a series of case studies informed by a rigorous analytical framework, it reveals that US allies have wielded significant influence in shaping nuclear weapons cooperation with the US in ways that reflect their own, often idiosyncratic, objectives. Combining in-depth empirical analysis with an accessible theoretical lens, Partners in Deterrence provides important lessons for contemporary policy makers and makes an essential contribution to existing scholarship on alliances and nuclear weapons.

,

briefing on the handling of nuclear deterrence matters, the Cabinet Secretary asked Mrs Thatcher whether she ‘propose[d] to confine it to yourself and the three Departmental Ministers directly concerned?’ 2 She did. Simultaneously, the government was establishing its position on the Long-Range Tactical Nuclear Forces and the SALT II treaties which were key to NATO’s evolving nuclear strategy. The SALT discussions were bilateral negotiations between the USSR and the USA on nuclear arms control measures. The first round had led to the

in Supreme emergency