Open Access (free)
Planned Obsolescence of Medical Humanitarian Missions: An Interview with Tony Redmond, Professor and Practitioner of International Emergency Medicine and Co-founder of HCRI and UK-Med

already there. TRM: That is what UK-Med tries to do, right, taking people working for the NHS who are trained in care as we deliver it in this part of the world and take that overseas? TR: Yes, and the difficulty we face is how to get them released from the NHS to do this, and here again the innovation needs to be conceptual. First of all, and again coming down to consequence , there is enlightened self-interest for our country to let their medical staff do this type of work. Of

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

entirely free and totally managed by the state. Funding was passed down through a hierarchy of health authorities which fell under centralised control. Up to the nineteen seventies, all seemed to go well. Economic growth kept Health 39 pace with the increasing demands for health care. The only challenge to the system – a shortfall in funding as the NHS was unexpectedly popular so that visits to the doctor and demand for drugs rose alarmingly – was met by the introduction of prescription charges in 1950. These charges for doctors’ prescriptions were the only way in

in Understanding British and European political issues
Abstract only
Alex Mold

6 Voice During the late 1990s and 2000s, the notion of patient ‘voice’ acquired increased attention from the government and health policy makers. Voice, alongside choice, was one of the key principles underpinning the reform of the NHS under the Labour government (1997–2010). In some ways, ‘voice’ could be seen as allied to notions of patient representation and participation that had been present within the British health care system since at least the 1970s, as discussed in Chapter 2. However, voice as it was conceptualised in the 1990s and 2000s, was something

in Making the patient-consumer
The Third Way and the case of the Private Finance Initiative
Eric Shaw

highlights its political and ideological importance. The second reviews research findings on the operation of the PFI in the health service. I find that there is little substance to the Government’s claim that the PFI is on strictly pragmatic grounds the most effective way of renewing the capital infrastructure of the NHS – the third section explains why. In the fourth section, by

in The Third Way and beyond
Abstract only
Alex Mold

4 Rights The idea that patients were in possession of rights in relation to health has long permeated discussions about medicine and health in Britain, but during the 1970s and 1980s, ‘rights talk’ became more prominent. Patientconsumer organisations began to formulate many of their demands, such as access to information or the ability to complain, as ‘rights’. A plethora of rights guides and charters were produced from the late 1970s onwards, designed to inform the patient of his or her rights, including things such as access to treatment on the NHS, to

in Making the patient-consumer
John Shepherd

pay policy on the public sector and to abolish low pay for public service workers. According to Fisher, the earnings of public sector workers had declined between 1975 and 1978. Weekly earnings of male ancillary workers in the National Health Service (NHS) had fallen from 84 per cent 4 5 6 7 8 WoD.indb 83 Sun, 23 January 1979. Daily Mail, 22 January 1979. Socialist Worker, 20 January 1979. Socialist Worker, 27 January 1979. Daily Mirror, 23 January 1979, p. 1. Despite the appalling January weather that affected sport, Arsenal defeated third division Sheffield

in Crisis? What crisis?
Limiting Liberal Democrat influence
Timothy Heppell

.6 and the Conservatives by 16.0 (Quinn et al ., 2011 : 302). It is clear that the Liberal Democrats did contribute to the ideological watering down of the plans that the Conservatives had within their manifesto. The main policy win for the Liberal Democrats can be said to be in the area of public services, as on jobs and welfare, the NHS, schools, pensions and the elderly

in Cameron
Abstract only
Alex Mold

Conclusion In January 2009, Health Secretary Alan Johnson established the NHS Constitution. The Constitution set out the principles and values that were to guide the NHS in England (separate constitutions covered Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland) as well as 24 patient rights, 13 pledges and 9 patient responsibilities. The document also included pledges and responsibilities for NHS staff.1 The NHS Constitution, according to Johnson, was intended to be ‘a mixture of poetry and prose – saying how people feel about the NHS as well as providing practical help in

in Making the patient-consumer
Abstract only
Alex Mold

communications. In 2010, choice was mentioned 84 times in the coalition government’s first white paper on health, Equity and Excellence: Liberating the NHS.1 At the time of writing (2014) a visitor to the NHS’s website (entitled ‘NHS Choices’) would find the tag line ‘Your health, your choices’ on every page.2 Choice now appears to govern health policy and practice in England to an unprecedented extent. This chapter will explore how it was that patient choice came to occupy such a central position. It will suggest that although the notion of choice was present in earlier

in Making the patient-consumer
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.