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Rainer Forst and the history of toleration

together as he suggests – and with an eye out for radical breaks with what came before – Forst’s neglect of the British colonies of North America is particularly strange. The various ‘experiments’ with toleration (and persecution) conducted there took place in the face of ‘deep’ religious, cultural and linguistic differences, in which many of his dramatis personae were personally and actively involved. Forget Hobbes and Locke’s armchair involvement with the colonies of Virginia and Carolina! When Forst discusses Penn and Williams (the founders of Pennsylvania and Rhode

in Toleration, power and the right to justification

The Frontier in History: North America and Southern Africa Compared , define the frontier as ‘a territory or zone of interpenetration between two previously distinct societies’. The frontier ‘opens’, they suggest, ‘when representatives of the intrusive group arrive, and “closes” when a single political authority has established hegemony over the zone’ (Lemar and Thompson, 1981 : 7). The frontier

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
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populism just touched upon, one wonders how long the mainstays of the post-​1945 order will be able to provide a stable framework. Civil society, a vibrant public sphere, strong trade unions, Keynesianism, social democratic parties with clearly identifiable electoral bases, and what Habermas refers to as the lifeworld all played a crucial role in stabilising democracies in North America, Western Europe, and other parts of the globe during the years 1945–​1989. These institutions were constituent dimensions of citizenship and political statehood, mediating between

in Critical theory and sociological theory
On the relation between law, politics, and other social systems in modern societies

conditions under which such rigorously democratic norms of inclusion and integration might be institutionalised in actual practice. If one is going to analyse FD in relation to democracy, one must therefore show how, in Europe, North America, and elsewhere in the world, one main paradigm of FD, with some variations, has emerged as hegemonic, to the detriment of other possible models. Failing to do so will produce the singular impression that one must choose between hopelessly utopian democratic norms and epistemological realism –​whatever that might actually mean

in Critical theory and sociological theory
On social systems and societal constitutions

perpetuation and exacerbation of entrenched inequality in Europe and around the world today.20 Needless to say, the Glorious Revolution did not and probably could not have challenged some of these anachronisms. Others were largely left intact by the paradigmatic eighteenth-​ century revolutions in North America and France.21 These specific patterns of political centralisation and social stratification may have been temporarily neutralised in Western Europe and North America during the thirty years following World War II. But the work of Piketty, Savage, and others indicates

in Critical theory and sociological theory
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An epilogue

early twentieth-century developments in Germany through to its 1960s manifestations in North America and Europe; and finally, the challenges posed to established procedures of art criticism by these distinct modalities of Dalit and expressionist artistic production. 20 Here, I turn to what such considerations can suggest about Savi as a modernist creator, a modern subject, and a subject of modernity

in Subjects of modernity
Irritating nation-state constitutionalism

freeing commercial enterprises from political regulation. 19 The guiding principle in the constitution of the International Monetary Fund as well as that of the World Bank was the opening of national capital markets. The constitutions of the World Trade Organization (WTO), of the European internal market, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Mercado Común del Sur (MERCOSUR) and the Asia

in Critical theory and legal autopoiesis
On the sociological paradoxes of weak dialectical formalism and embedded neoliberalism

paradoxical sense relating to the reality of a historically unique example of institutional form (the early modern state in Europe and North America, subsequently imposed or adopted elsewhere) which is capable, to significantly differing extents depending on the country in question, of reconciling countervailing tendencies. That is, differentiation and de-​centralisation unfold within a framework that in prin­ ciple remains centralised with regard to the key domains of taxation, military authority, public courts, and questions of justice. One is thus trying to explain a

in Critical theory and sociological theory

and not-European simultaneously; on territory formerly subject to one empire centred in central Europe and another centred in west Asia; where members of majority ethnonational groups (including their diasporas) were usually racialised as white but whose whiteness had still been conditional or ‘white, but not quite’ (Alcoff 1998 : 9) to northern European and North American gazes in living memory; 9 and where ethnonational identities already, before and after unification in 1918 (and Communist-led reunification in

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Some questions for Rainer Bauböck

that money can play in determining how formal legal rights function in practice in any arrangement that permits individuals to hire legal representation. If we were really committed to equal rights under the law, we would have to devise mechanisms to ensure that rich and poor were equally secure against (and equally vulnerable to) governmental coercion. From a North American perspective at least, that would entail the development of some new

in Democratic inclusion