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liberal humanitarian institutions, which have depended on the financial and political capital of the US. Far from promoting a final and permanent peace, the new security strategy situates the US in an inter-state system in which war is possible at any time, in any location, with any rival, enemy or former ally. How might we explain this apparent shift in American strategy? A growing number of analysts, particularly North Americans, consider that we are seeing the end of the post-war liberal order. And they attribute liberal crisis to two fundamental factors

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

Introduction In October 2016 the New York Review of Books published an article by International Rescue Committee President David Miliband titled ‘The Best Ways to Deal with the Refugee Crisis’. It began with a predictable target. US Presidential candidate Donald Trump’s claims about a ‘tremendous flow’ of Syrian refugees making their way to North America were based in ‘myth, not fact’, Miliband wrote ( Miliband, 2016 ). Not only that: they also openly belittled the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Learning from the case of Kosovo

through the ‘Homeland is Calling’ fund. It is estimated that the KLA received approximately $163 million through this network of contributions which collected money from across North America and Western Europe (Hislope, 2002: 38). While the 3 per cent tax was collected separately and went primarily to support the parallel Albanian governance systems, there is evidence that some of this money was diverted to fund FARK. But even this more licit form of conflict funding had links to criminal elements – two bank accounts were shut down by German authorities when it was

in Building a peace economy?
Current policy options and issues

Africa. Accompanied by high-profile media campaigns in North America and Europe, the issue of ‘blood diamonds’ rose quickly up the international policy agenda, creating political and public pressure to end the relationship between the trade of diamonds and the political violence. Similar certification schemes have been considered, though not implemented, for other conflict commodities including timber which is known to contribute to incidents of violence in several states including Liberia and Cambodia as well as for the trade of minerals and compounds such as coltan

in Building a peace economy?
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Gareth Dale

summary overview of his engagement in émigré politics during his spells in Austria, Britain and North America.2 Born in the Habsburg capital, Vienna, Polanyi was raised in the Empire’s second city, Budapest. The late nineteenth century was a time of change, as a semi-feudal absolutism gave way to industrial modernity, with the expansion of capitalist social relations, the systematic deployment of science and technology to the production process, and rapid urbanisation. To use the sociologese of the era, Gemeinschaft was dissolving into Gesellschaft, and intellectual

in Karl Polanyi

-driven and naturally exclusive of others. This in turn relates us back to the Aristotelian theme of the first chapter, giving a new twist to the history of the Janus-faced friendship of virtue and utility in the era of thriving international commerce. Friendship and English colonisation of North America from the 1640s onwards Equally overlooked is the role of friendship in a context closely related to ­commerce – the history of colonisation and the foundation of new states – despite the popularity and instrumentality of the term in early encounters with native peoples in

in Friendship among nations
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The same-sex unions revolution, its past and future

revolution since 1989, I use the final two sections of the chapter to speculate about its future. First, I examine the increasing international focus on opening marriage to same-sex couples and explore the extent to which the international SSU norm is being transformed into one that defines marriage as the only appropriate form of same-sex relationship recognition. Second, I briefly examine the spread of the SSU norm outside of North America and Western Europe and highlight both the similarities and differences of the policy discourses that have resulted from the

in The same-sex unions revolution in western democracies
New roles for experts and publics

, there is relatively little investigation of public involvement in the specific stage of risk assessment, despite increased demands for such involvement (Borrás et al., 2007; Hartley, 2016; Millstone, 2009; Shepherd, 2008). European and North American regulatory agencies have a statutory obligation to involve the public in risk governance, and in recent years many have opened up the traditionally scientific domain of risk assessment to public input through online consultations. In addition, international bodies have created opportunities to engage a broader range of

in Science and the politics of openness
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Towards a new philosophy of political legitimacy

Since the Enlightenment, liberal democrat governments in Europe and North America have been compelled to secure the legitimacy of their authority by constructing rational states whose rationality is based on modern forms of law. The first serious challenge to liberal democratic practices of legal legitimacy comes in Karl Marx's early writings on Rousseau and Hegel. Marx discovers the limits of formal legal equality that does not address substantive relations of inequality in the workplace and in many other spheres of social life. This book investigates the authoritarianism and breakdown of those state socialist governments which claim to put Marx's ideas on democracy and equality into practice. It offers an immanent critique of liberalism, and discusses liberal hegemony, attacking on liberalism from supposedly post-liberal political positions. Liberalism protects all individuals by guaranteeing a universally enforceable form of negative liberty which they can exercise in accordance with their own individual will. Immanuel Kant's critical philosophy both affirms and limits human agency through the media of rationality and legality. The conditions of liberal reason lay the groundwork for the structure of individual experience inside the liberal machine. The book also shows how a materialist reformulation of idealist philosophy provides the broad outlines of a theory of critical idealism that bears directly upon the organisation of the labour process and the first condition of legitimate law concerning humanity and external nature. Mimetic forms of materialism suggest that the possibilities for non-oppressive syntheses and realities are bound up with a libertarian union of intellect.

Editor: Peter Burnell

Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.