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Roberta Frank

I like large parties. They're so intimate. At small parties there isn't any privacy. F. Scott Fitzgerald, The Great Gatsby 1 Intimacy sells. So, apparently, does Beowulf : feature films, a TV series, operas, graphic novels, translations, and a pride of

in Dating Beowulf
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
The Spanish Civil War in Ken Loach’s Land and Freedom
Alan Munton

rebel generals’ success or of the dissension among the parties of the left that contributed to it. This is, however, a film with a politics of its own, a politics that I shall argue is Trotskyist. Two complexities consequently require interpretation: the war itself, and the film’s reading of that war. What Loach has to say about the war is inseparable from the death of Blanca. It is upon her body, both

in Gender and warfare in the twentieth century
Open Access (free)
Studies in intimacy

Featuring essays from some of the most prominent voices in early medieval English studies, Dating Beowulf: studies in intimacy playfully redeploys the word ‘dating’, which usually heralds some of the most divisive critical impasses in the field, to provocatively phrase a set of new relationships with an Old English poem. This volume presents an argument for the relevance of the early Middle Ages to affect studies and vice versa, while offering a riposte to anti-feminist discourse and opening avenues for future work by specialists in the history of emotions, feminist criticism, literary theory, Old English literature, and medieval studies alike. To this end, the chapters embody a range of critical approaches, from queer theory to animal studies and ecocriticism to Actor-Network theory, all organized into clusters that articulate new modes of intimacy with the poem.

Textual representations
Editor: Angela K. Smith

The changes in warfare during the twentieth century could be addressed from a variety of perspectives, political, cultural, and national. This book addresses the issue of how gender is constructed by exploring a range of historical events. It also asserts that a focus on gender, rather than producing a depoliticised reading of our culture, offers an informed debate on a range of political issues. The book explores the impact of warfare on women whose civilian or quasi-military roles resulted in their exile or self-exile to the role of 'other'. The book first draws upon a number of genres to use Richard Aldington and H. D. (the poet Hilda Doolittle), to understand the social and cultural implications of warfare for both parties in a relationship. Then, it examines the intricate gender assumptions that surround the condition of 'shell shock' through a detailed exploration of the life and work of Ver a Brittain. Continuing this theme, considering the nature of warfare, the gendered experience of warfare, through the lens of the home front, the book discusses the gendered attitudes to the First World War located within Aldous Huxley's novella 'Farcical History of Richard Greenow'. Wars represented in Western cinema are almost universally gendered as male, which corresponds to the battlefield history of twentieth-century warfare. As this situation changes, and more women join the armed services, especially in the United States, a more inclusive cinematic coding evolves through struggle. The book considers three decades of film, from the Vietnam War to the present.

The Porcupine
Peter Childs

than by that of any other country. Its human story centres on the overthrown Party leader Stoyo Petkanov, who is brought to trial for prosecution by the ambitious and aggrieved Peter Solinsky. Barnes has said of the book: When I wrote The Porcupine , I deliberately used a traditional narrative because I felt that any sort of tricksiness would distract from the story I was trying to tell. A novel only really begins for a writer when he finds the form to match the story. 2 In formal terms, The Porcupine indeed

in Julian Barnes
Blair Worden

the ‘many thousands’ who ‘know no help, under God, like that of a parliament’.12 Monck shared the outrage.13 In 1659–​ 60 conflicting parties agreed in acknowledging Parliament to be, at least in a time of breakdown and emergency, the arbiter of the nation’s quarrels. The principle supplied a constitutional mechanism, the only one available, for the resolution of the nation’s crisis. If the principle had been unanimously held there would have been no civil war. Many of those who espoused it in 1660 did so solely for tactical reasons. Royalist leaders, having failed

in From Republic to Restoration
Open Access (free)
Representations of Irish political leaders in the ‘Haughey’ plays of Carr, Barry and Breen
Anthony Roche

Haughey during the decades when the country itself was running up huge debt and the workers were being urged to exercise self-restraint with regard to their demand for wage increases. How, it was increasingly asked, could Haughey maintain such a life-style on a mere politician’s salary? Haughey’s style of leadership encouraged either unquestioning loyalty or determined opposition, not just in the country as a whole but more critically within the Fianna Fáil party itself. On the three occasions during the 1980s where he went to the country seeking an overall mandate, he

in Irish literature since 1990
Liam O’Flaherty’s The Informer (1925)
Gerry Smyth

’ (Hart 2003: 20) by its own response to that movement. O’Flaherty had developed an interest in class politics whilst still a soldier fighting with the Irish Guards on the Western Front (O’Flaherty 1930: 71). During his travels in North America after the war he joined both the Wobblies (Industrial Workers of the World international union) and the Communist Party. Nationalism and republicanism he came to regard (along with Christianity) as diversions, in essence collusive with the bourgeois imperialist practices they ostensibly opposed. In so far as the Irish revolution

in The Judas kiss
Abstract only
Editor: Gregory Vargo

The first collection of its kind, Chartist Drama makes available four plays written or performed by members of the Chartist movement of the 1840s. Emerging from the lively counter-culture of this protest campaign for democratic rights, these plays challenged cultural as well as political hierarchies by adapting such recognisable genres as melodrama, history plays, and tragedy for performance in radically new settings. A communal, public, and embodied art form, drama was linked for the Chartists with other kinds of political performance: the oratory of the mass platform, festival-like outdoor meetings, and the elaborate street theatre of protest marches. Plays that Chartists wrote or staged advanced new interpretations of British history and criticised aspects of the contemporary world. And Chartist drama intervened in fierce strategic arguments within the movement. Most notably, poet-activist John Watkins’s John Frost, which dramatises the gripping events of the Newport rising of 1839, in which twenty-two Chartists lost their lives, defends the rebellion and the Chartist recourse to violence as a means for the movement to achieve its aims. The volume’s appendices document over one hundred Chartist dramatic performances, staged by activists in local Chartist associations or at professional benefits at some of London’s largest working-class theatres. Gregory Vargo’s introduction and notes elucidate the previously unexplored world of Chartist dramatic culture, a context that promises to reshape what we know about early Victorian popular politics and theatre.