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The Spanish Civil War in Ken Loach’s Land and Freedom
Alan Munton

rebel generals’ success or of the dissension among the parties of the left that contributed to it. This is, however, a film with a politics of its own, a politics that I shall argue is Trotskyist. Two complexities consequently require interpretation: the war itself, and the film’s reading of that war. What Loach has to say about the war is inseparable from the death of Blanca. It is upon her body, both

in Gender and warfare in the twentieth century
Textual representations
Editor: Angela K. Smith

The changes in warfare during the twentieth century could be addressed from a variety of perspectives, political, cultural, and national. This book addresses the issue of how gender is constructed by exploring a range of historical events. It also asserts that a focus on gender, rather than producing a depoliticised reading of our culture, offers an informed debate on a range of political issues. The book explores the impact of warfare on women whose civilian or quasi-military roles resulted in their exile or self-exile to the role of 'other'. The book first draws upon a number of genres to use Richard Aldington and H. D. (the poet Hilda Doolittle), to understand the social and cultural implications of warfare for both parties in a relationship. Then, it examines the intricate gender assumptions that surround the condition of 'shell shock' through a detailed exploration of the life and work of Ver a Brittain. Continuing this theme, considering the nature of warfare, the gendered experience of warfare, through the lens of the home front, the book discusses the gendered attitudes to the First World War located within Aldous Huxley's novella 'Farcical History of Richard Greenow'. Wars represented in Western cinema are almost universally gendered as male, which corresponds to the battlefield history of twentieth-century warfare. As this situation changes, and more women join the armed services, especially in the United States, a more inclusive cinematic coding evolves through struggle. The book considers three decades of film, from the Vietnam War to the present.

The Porcupine
Peter Childs

than by that of any other country. Its human story centres on the overthrown Party leader Stoyo Petkanov, who is brought to trial for prosecution by the ambitious and aggrieved Peter Solinsky. Barnes has said of the book: When I wrote The Porcupine , I deliberately used a traditional narrative because I felt that any sort of tricksiness would distract from the story I was trying to tell. A novel only really begins for a writer when he finds the form to match the story. 2 In formal terms, The Porcupine indeed

in Julian Barnes
Liam O’Flaherty’s The Informer (1925)
Gerry Smyth

’ (Hart 2003: 20) by its own response to that movement. O’Flaherty had developed an interest in class politics whilst still a soldier fighting with the Irish Guards on the Western Front (O’Flaherty 1930: 71). During his travels in North America after the war he joined both the Wobblies (Industrial Workers of the World international union) and the Communist Party. Nationalism and republicanism he came to regard (along with Christianity) as diversions, in essence collusive with the bourgeois imperialist practices they ostensibly opposed. In so far as the Irish revolution

in The Judas kiss
Politics and aesthetics
Carl Lavery

Panther Party, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), the Red Army Faction, disaffected students and anti-Vietnam war protestors in Japan, France and the USA, Michel Foucault’s Group d’Information sur les Prisons (GIP) and the Committee Djali in France who campaigned against the racist treatment suffered by immigrant workers. Investing in what Keith Reader, in a different context, has called a Maoist imperative ‘to serve the people’ through real acts as opposed to simply speaking on their part, Genet was tireless in his support of oppressed peoples and

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre
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Language and politics in Gramsci and Marinetti
Sascha Bru

was published in 1922, during a period in which Antonio Gramsci, the intellectual leader of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) whose politics too revolved around language (Bru 2005: 119–32), began to take a rather active interest in Futurism. Reading Marinetti’s Futurist poetics, as it is voiced in his Gli indomabili and other writings, alongside Gramsci’s political philosophy of language, my principal aim is to argue that Gramsci may have taken an interest in Futurism because he realised that the movement’s linguistic experimentation indeed came with far

in Back to the Futurists
The bride stripped bare?
Elza Adamowicz

programme was embodied not only in their own paintings but also, and often more radically, in the innovative experimentation of the Salon Cubists. Beyond Cubism and Futurism I suggested at the outset that Léger’s painting was situated at a crossroads not only between Cubism and Futurism but also within the broader avant-garde context, where several iconographic and stylistic affinities intersect. Among these, the subject of the wedding party was treated in other avant-garde paintings, revealing affinities with Léger’s La noce. For example, Henri Rousseau’s La noce (1904

in Back to the Futurists
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At the London Magazine and after
Sara Lodge

it The Champion, attracting contributors including William Hazlitt, 46 Thomas Hood and nineteenth-century poetry Charles Lamb, and John Hamilton Reynolds. He abandoned The Champion in 1817, but when in 1820 he launched his new venture, The London Magazine, Hazlitt, Lamb, and Reynolds joined its enviable pool of writing talent. The London Magazine incorporated writers of different political hues and resisted identification with any party interest. Hood would adopt the nonpartisan stance held by the London as his own official literary position on politics

in Thomas Hood and nineteenth-century poetry
The deconstruction of institutional politics
Simon Wortham

party to the very same kinds of practices that they wish to condemn in deconstruction. Journalists and critics adopt an authoritative tone in saying whatever they like about deconstruction, yet in the process they fashion such condemnation in the very image of their idea of deconstruction as a manifesto for unlimited interpretation and sayability. Oppositionality is thus woefully

in Rethinking the university
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Staging the wound
Carl Lavery

by Manceaux about the possible direction his writing might take in the light of his political commitment to the Black Panther Party, Genet was quick to distance his theatre from that of Brecht. For Genet, the type of engagement practised by Brecht is beset with a worrying paradox: I don’t think that Brecht did anything for communism, and the revolution [of 1789] was not set offby Beauchmarchais’s The Marriage of Figaro . I also think that the closer a work of art is to perfection, the more it is enclosed within itself. Worse than that – it inspires nostalgia

in The politics of Jean Genet’s late theatre